2.1 The background to each school
2.2 The school setting
2.3 Sexual activity within the school
The research was carried out in four government junior secondary schools in one region of Zimbabwe. Three were co-educational schools and one a single-sex school. Two schools were in rural locations (one in an agricultural area and the other a mining area), one was a peri-urban school and the fourth an elite all-girls' school in an urban setting. Two schools had female heads and two male heads. The original study was to last one year, but this was extended by a further four months to allow a number of workshops to take place. The interview-based field work was undertaken between October 1998 and July 1999, and the workshops were run in October 1999 and January 2000.
The field work consisted mainly of in-depth interviews using largely open-ended questions. These interviews were conducted with girls in Forms 1-3 in the four schools in three rounds: the first round with 112 girls, the second with 73 girls, and the third with 17 girls. In addition, interviews were held with 59 boys in Forms 1-3 in the three co-educational schools, 23 teachers (11 male and 12 female) drawn from the four schools, three head teachers and one deputy head, and 37 parents. We also interviewed four officials from the regional office of the Ministry of Education, the Director of the regional Ministry of Social Welfare and the police officer responsible for the Victim Friendly Court system in the area. (see Appendix 1 for interview numbers).
Girls were selected for the initial round from a number of Form 1-3 classes where they were asked to write about a problem they had at school and to indicate whether they wished to be interviewed. Those who showed a willingness to write frankly and in detail about their problems, whether with boys, their family or their studies, were usually chosen. This is therefore not a strictly representative sample; however, it is safe to say that, although the selection process is likely to have missed pupils who had little to say about personal experiences of abuse (and therefore we could be accused of exaggerating its severity by selective sampling), it has also missed those who had a lot to say but did not wish to talk about it for fear of being reported. Indeed, we failed to find any girl who admitted to a sexual relationship with a teacher in the school and yet we had evidence that in all three co-educational schools, this was going on.
Given the absence of other detailed research studies and the sensitive nature of the topic, we decided to approach the interviews with girls somewhat cautiously and to rely on progressive focusing. The desire to take a broad perspective to the problem of school-based abuse and to link it up to other forms of abuse of women and girls in society also supported such an approach. The first interview questions revolved around problems that girls experienced in and around the school and only gradually moved to the issue of abuse by male pupils, older men and finally male teachers, this latter being the most difficult area to tackle. From these first answers, a number of girls who had something of substance to say were selected for follow up interviews. A third set of interviews was added at the final stage for those girls who said they had been subject to sexual advances by male teachers, or who had friends who had been, to explore the circumstances surrounding this.
The girls' ages ranged from 13 to 17 with the average age of the total sample being 14.5 years. 22 girls were in Form 1, 64 in Form 2 and 26 in Form 3. Over half the girls interviewed therefore came from Form 2, the 14-15 age group4. This age group was focused on because it is at this stage (during Forms 2 and 3) that many girls drop out (see Appendix 2, table 1 figures for the three mixed schools). Form 1 girls were included in the sample because these early experiences of junior secondary school are critical to their future, both in educational and personal terms. It is also at this stage that their understanding of, and views on, female and male sexuality develop rapidly5. As will be seen, the school culture emerges as not at all conducive to the development of mature relationships between male and female pupils.
The workshops were designed to explore further the problem of abuse in the schools identified in the one-to-one interviews and to elicit suggestions from pupils and teachers as to appropriate strategies to address the problem. Detailed accounts of the workshops with female and male pupils, held in October 1999, and those held with teachers in January 2000, are provided in Appendices 5 and 6.
School A is located near a small mining community of approximately 10,000 inhabitants surrounded by forest plantations and about 20 kilometres from the nearest large town. Its economy revolves around mining and agriculture. In addition to the long-term employees of the mining companies, there is a large transient population engaged in casual gold panning. Prostitution is high, in part because gold panning injects the local economy with a certain amount of loose cash and in part because male workers are often without their families. There were also Russian and Chinese contract workers employed on local development schemes. This situation presents a risk to girls from men tempting them into a sexual relationship with offers of cash and gifts.
17 girls in our sample of 32 (58%) live with only one biological parent or with relatives (Appendix 2, table 2). We were told that some girls attending the school live unsupervised in rented accommodation. Gold panning opportunities mean that the average household is economically better off than those sending their children to School B (agricultural) or School C (peri-urban). There is also a higher awareness among the adult population of the risks and causes of HIV/AIDS because of company-provided healthcare and health education programmes. It is likely therefore that the HIV/AIDS rate of infection is slightly lower than elsewhere. However, the higher level of awareness among adult men may make schoolgirls even more vulnerable to their attention as they attempt to avoid infection.
12 girls in the sample (38%) travel five kilometres or more to school. The school comprises 730 pupils, of whom 312 are girls and 418 boys. The average age of the 32 girls interviewed in Round 1 was 15.3, somewhat older than the other three samples. The school head is male and comes from the local community. There are 13 female teachers, of whom nine are married, and 17 male teachers, of whom 14 are married. The school has running water, pit latrines and electricity, but the latter only in the administration block and workshops. Eight male teachers, of whom seven are married, live in teacher housing nearby.
All but one girl in the sample said that she was engaged in daily household chores before or after school, the average being 2-3 hours per day. 12 out of the 32 girls said that they were not satisfied or not completely satisfied with their families' support for their basic needs (defined as food, uniform, school books, school fees, bus fares and pocket money) and 10 said that they regularly went hungry (table 2).
School B is located on the outskirts of a small rural community with an approximate population of 6000. The school lies on the main road between two major towns. The local economy is primarily subsistence agriculture, sometimes with a male adult in the household holding an office job in the nearby regional capital which is 40 kilometres away. This community is more stable than that of school A. However, 14 girls in the sample of 20 (70%) are living with only one parent (usually the mother) or with grandparents or other relatives (table 2). The school's location on a major road exposes the girls to sexual advances from truck drivers and drivers of private vehicles, especially as some girls apparently live 15 kilometres or more from the school (none included in our sample). Some seek lifts to and from school, especially if their families are unable to provide them with money for bus fares.
The school is on the outskirts of the village. It comprises 510 pupils, of whom 235 girls and 275 boys. The average age of the 20 girls interviewed in Round 1 was 14.9. There are 12 female teachers, of whom 11 are married, and 12 male teachers, of whom six are married. 10 teachers, all male, live in teacher housing on the school site; six of them are married and four are single. The other teachers commute daily from their homes. Of the 24 teachers, five are student teachers, four male and one female. Three of these male student teachers are married and live unaccompanied by their families in the teacher housing. The school has running water and pit latrines but no electricity.
All the girls in the sample said that they carried out domestic chores either before or after school, with the average being 2-3 hours per day. 17 out of the 20 girls said they were not at all satisfied or not completely satisfied with their families' support for their basic needs, and nine girls said they regularly went hungry. These figures for deprivation are proportionately higher than in School A (table 2).
School C is located in the peri-urban high-density area surrounding the regional capital. It is one of several junior secondary schools serving a population of approximately 200,000. Its working population comprises street vendors, shop assistants, council and factory workers and some government employees. There is also much cross-border contraband trade with Mozambique. There is a high rate of prostitution and HIV/AIDS infection and a high incidence of rape. The national Victim Friendly Court initiative, which supports child victims of rape and facilitates the criminal prosecution of the perpetrators, has one of its officers based in the local police station. 23 girls in the sample of 37 (68%) are living with only one parent or with other relatives. Housing is very crowded, with large families sometimes living in only two rooms. This density encourages physical and sexual abuse.
The school operates on a double shift system and its physical facilities in terms of classrooms, desks and chairs are insufficient for the number of pupils. There are 1123 pupils in total, comprising 604 girls and 519 boys6. The average age of the 37 girls interviewed in Round 1 was 14.1 (lower than in Schools A and B, because 19 of these girls were drawn from Form 1). There are 28 female teachers, of whom 24 are married, two divorced and two widowed, and 20 male, of whom 17 are married and three single. The school has running water, electricity and both pit latrines and (for staff) flushing toilets.
All 37 girls in the sample said that they engage in daily household chores, with the average being 2-3 hours per day, as in the other schools. 21 girls were not satisfied or not completely satisfied with the provision of their basic needs and eight said they sometimes went hungry. These figures show that a relatively high number of girls are dissatisfied with what their families provide but a smaller number go hungry than in Schools A and B (table 2).
School D is located in the centre of town and is an all-girls' elite school. It takes pupils from Forms 1 to 6 (unlike the other schools which terminate at Form 4). Approximately one-third of the girls are termly boarders. Most girls come from homes with professional or business backgrounds. In nearly half the sample of 23 girls, both parents are working, mostly in full-time employment. Most girls consider that all then-basic needs, including pocket money, are met. Although a higher number are living with both biological parents, and probably in a more stable family unit than girls in the other schools, a significant number (ten girls or 43%) are living with only one biological parent or with relatives.
Although the girls in this school study in a more protected single-sex environment, the proximity of the school to the commercial centre of town exposes them to sexual advances and assaults by male strangers, e.g. as they are waiting at the bus stop or walking through the market. Some girls travel to school from the outskirts of town on public transport, which makes them prey to unsolicited attention from male drivers and passengers. This suggests that placing girls in a single sex school does not completely protect them from sexual exploitation by men.7
The school has 760 pupils, of whom 640 are in Forms 1-4; the remaining 120 are in Forms 5 and 6, this being the senior secondary level and not covered by this study. The average age of the sample is 13.8 (all of them in Form 2). There are 20 female teachers, of whom 16 are married, and 12 male, of whom eight are married. This is the only school where the ban on corporal punishment is strictly enforced but other punishments such as detention and manual work on the school premises are common. The school has electricity, water, flushing toilets and many more facilities and resources than the other schools.
Only one of the 23 girls said they did not do domestic work at all; all the boarders said they did some during the vacations. Of the day girls, 1-3 hours was usual but not necessarily every day. Their domestic duties are therefore considerably less than those in the other schools. Four girls were not satisfied or not completely satisfied with provision of their basic needs and two said they sometimes went hungry (table 2). Therefore, although the majority of girls in the sample from this school are obviously better provided for, there are still a few cases of poverty.
In summary, the pupil sample is striking in that over half the girls do not live in a nuclear family and are living with only one biological parent or with relatives. Many experience significant poverty (26% do not have enough to eat) and most engage in daily domestic labour.
Junior secondary schooling in Zimbabwe lasts for four years and culminates in GCE '0' level exams. It follows seven years of primary schooling and, for those who continue further, there are two years of senior secondary schooling, leading to GCE 'A' levels. All lessons except Shona (a national language) are given in English. Alongside the traditional academic subjects, a weekly lesson in 'Guidance and Counselling' has been introduced, designed to help pupils prepare for adult life. This uses a syllabus developed by the Curriculum Development Unit of the Ministry of Education and covers topics such as puberty, sexuality and sexual health, and drug abuse. Since 1996 schools have been supplied with materials entitled Think About It!' prepared with assistance from UNICEF which seek to educate pupils in Forms 1-4 about the risks of AIDS. Many schools operate a weekly after-school Anti-AIDS Club, which is run by teachers using material provided by the Ministry of Health and assisted by resource persons from outside the school.
One teacher in each school is made responsible for coordinating the teaching of Guidance and Counselling. These heads of department are supposed to attend training workshops provided by the regional Ministry of Education so that they can train others in the school to teach the subject. Both male and female teachers are encouraged to teach it. However, out of the four schools studied, only one has a male head of Guidance and Counselling. As will be shown, this programme is not effectively taught.
Compared to schools in other African countries, these are relatively well resourced. All teaching takes place in proper classrooms, although sometimes the number of desks and chairs are insufficient. Books are in short supply, with approximately one book for every three pupils in urban schools and one for every five pupils in rural schools. The Curriculum Development Unit of the central Ministry provides a range of visual aids (posters, charts etc) but delivery of these to schools is problematic. Although physical space may be constrained, every school has a staff room and some teachers have their own offices. School C in the high density area operates a double shift system and is clearly overcrowded, although some new classrooms were being built during the field work period (thus exposing the girls to the additional hazard of sexual advances from builders).
Pupils are expected to attend school every day and to arrive punctually. Lateness is punished, with form prefects writing down the names of latecomers, who will be punished at the end of the week, usually by being given manual labour. In some classrooms pupils sit according to friendship (usually boys and girls separately) but in others the teacher arranges them and may mix boys and girls together. Most secondary schools have a tuck shop, where pupils can buy drinks, snacks and sweets during break and lunch time. Sometimes pupils bring items in for sale to other pupils. As the research shows, the presence of the tuck shop is an important element in the development of male-female relationships and potentially abusive behaviour.
Movement to and from the school during the day is not strictly monitored, so that pupils often 'bunk' lessons after the register has been taken and may in some cases come and go during the day. Girls from the single sex school meet boys from the nearby elite boys' school in the town as they go to and from school or at lunchtime. In all the schools, the lax control of pupil movement facilitates the development of relationships between boys and girls, and also fosters suspicions about the sexual activities of certain pupils who miss lessons or alternatively (in the mixed schools) stay on after the end of the school day on some pretext or another.
Corporal punishment, although banned by the Ministry of Education in Zimbabwe in almost all circumstances, is widespread, and is usually administered with a thick stick or belt. Apart from beating, teachers pulling pupils' ears or hair is common. Other punishments given by teachers are: standing outside the classroom, detention, sweeping the classroom, cutting grass, weeding, watering, digging, carrying bricks or stones, picking up litter and cleaning the toilets. Punishments are given for arriving late, missing lessons, fighting, making a noise in class, not doing homework, insubordination, not listening to the teacher's instructions, ignoring other punishments and failing to answer questions in class.
Verbal abuse, as already indicated, is also widely used. Pupils are called names such as 'good for nothing', 'lazy bastard', (the Shona equivalent of) 'scumbag', 'you pig', 'you dog' and 'baboon'. Expressions such as 'bullshit' and 'I'll beat you shitless' were said to be used frequently. While some sex-specific terms of abuse were directed at boys, teachers' abusive language towards girls appeared to be more sexually explicit and offensive. Girls were called 'whores' and 'prostitutes' and accused of only thinking of boys. Examples provided by girls of abusive language used by male teachers towards them included 'you prostitute, you think I'll propose to you', 'you think I'll sleep with you like your boys do' and 'you think I'm here to touch your breasts'. As already explained, because of the sexually demeaning intentions of the language used, this has been included under the category of sexual abuse.
The research revealed a school environment rich in sexual or sex-oriented activity. Much of it was no different from what one would expect in any co-educational secondary school in any country. Although sexual activity was very limited within the all-girls' school, for obvious reasons, there was evidence of a great deal of interest in and discussion of sexual matters here too, and much sex-oriented activity taking place outside the school.
In the mixed schools, this activity in its more extreme forms constituted abuse in that it entailed unsolicited and intimidating male behaviour which continually violated the girls' private space and not infrequently led to sexual assault. This was perpetrated by boys in the school aggressively forcing themselves on girls' attention and by teachers making sexual advances towards girls. This is a common phenomenon in Zimbabwe as well as in an unknown number of other countries, even though it is a disciplinary and in some cases a criminal offence.8 Even the girls in the all-girls' school were not totally protected from sexual advances by male teachers. In the schools studied, such abusive behaviour by male teachers and pupils was institutionalised, an ingrained part of the school culture, and for the large majority of girls an unwanted part of their daily lives. The reasons why male behaviour in and around the school goes beyond the acceptable to the abusive are explored in this study.
In all four schools, it was clear that there was much interest in the opposite sex by both boys and girls. However, the extent to which pupils engaged in full sexual relations was less clear. Among the girls, most were uncertain as to whether those whom they said had boyfriends were having sex or not. Those who said they had boyfriends did not in most cases admit to having a sexual relationship. The vast majority of girls thought that many girls in the school, even in Form 1, had boyfriends but it is an indication of the culture in Zimbabwe that one does not talk about personal matters, and especially about sexual matters, even with close friends. However, some girls did volunteer the names of couples having sex and there were several reports of recent incidents (some taking place during the research period) where boys and girls from the school were allegedly found in the sex act in or near the school. In one school, accounts were given by various girls of a girl allegedly found in the school library having sex with the head boy, of a Form 3 girl found with a schoolboy in the sex act in the forest by women collecting firewood, of another couple found having sex in the graveyard and a Form 2 girl found to be sleeping with an ex-student at the local army barracks. In another school, several girls mentioned an incident in which two girls had disappeared over a weekend with lorry drivers and their absence had only come to light when their parents came to the school to report them missing. Many girls and some teachers stated that they often saw couples taking secluded paths away from the school into the nearby maize fields and mountains. In the all-girls' school, a very high number of girls in the sample reported that girls in their form had sexual relationships, usually with sugar daddies.
The incidence of schoolgirl pregnancy was high in all four schools, with only six girls in the Round 2 sample of 73 claiming not to know of at least one girl in the school who had become pregnant and dropped out recently, although they often did not know who the father was. Numerous girls claimed to know girls who had illegal abortions. Head teachers reported that girls just stop coming to school (as is shown in table 1) and it was assumed that in most cases this was due to pregnancy - rather than problems over payment of fees, which is often given as the reason for girls dropping out.
The fact that most of the girls interviewed were not ready to talk freely about their own sexual activities and were uncertain about those of others made it very difficult to obtain a true picture of how sexual relationships developed and to determine whether girls entered freely into them or whether they were coerced. In addition, some of the girls were considerably older than their classmates (e.g. age 16 or 17 in Form 2) and it must be assumed that they were more able to enter into such a relationship knowingly and to manage it with some maturity.
At the same time as being exposed and/or subjected to abuse, there was evidence that not all the girls were passive victims of unsolicited male attention, even by teachers. This contradicts the way in which the sexual exploitation of girls by male teachers is usually portrayed in the media. It was clear that some girls respond positively to advances by boys and a few to advances by male teachers (and may even encourage them) and that some girls enter into relationships with teachers voluntarily. Likewise with sugar daddies. There is also evidence that girls will claim to have been raped so as to oblige the man to marry them, especially if they are pregnant or do not want to reveal that they entered the relationship voluntarily.9 Parents may even encourage such liaisons, as in rural areas in particular a male single teacher with his government salary and housing is considered a desirable 'catch'. Teachers also confirmed that some girls are attracted by the idea of having a relationship with a teacher. A sexual relationship with an older man (sugar daddy) may also not be frowned upon, especially if he can provide adequately for the girl. The research therefore found that the distinction between an abusive and a consensual relationship is often blurred, and that within an abusive relationship (as must always be the case between teachers and schoolgirls according to our definition of abuse) it is not at all clear whether it was entered into by the girl willingly or by coercion. This inevitably makes the task of gathering and interpreting data more complicated. However, it does not change the fact that any relationship, whether with a teacher, a sugar daddy or a male pupil, is abusive if it exploits the relative powerlessness of girls (or any other vulnerable individual) for the benefit or gratification of the more powerful party.
One striking feature of the interviews was that on the whole the interviewee, whether a girl, a boy or a teacher, would be happy to talk openly (and usually disapprovingly) about the sexual behaviour of others. They were much less willing to talk about such behaviour in terms of themselves. It was remarkable that among the teachers interviewed, those who were the most explicit and informative about sexual abuse in the school were the male teachers who were themselves named most frequently as abusers by both male and female pupils. In one case, one of the worst offenders was happy to name another teacher as being guilty of having affairs with girls in the school. In contrast, the female teachers were reluctant either to acknowledge or to talk about sexual abuse by male teachers, and were unable to give detailed examples of the ways. in which male teachers approached girls as some of their male colleagues were able to do (some obviously speaking from direct experience).
Cases of teachers, and in particular head teachers, having sexual relations with their pupils have attracted some media attention in Zimbabwe and elsewhere. There is no doubting the severity of the offence and the adverse impact on girls' lives. Such teacher-pupil relationships must always be termed abusive. There was evidence to suggest that the teachers' advances towards some girls unsettled and distracted the whole group, affected their concentration in class and made some fearful of drawing attention to themselves if they participated too much in lessons. Most importantly, it passed on the message to boys that such male behaviour was acceptable. The fact that teachers pursued sexual liaisons with girls with impunity made the older boys not only bolder and more aggressive in their behaviour towards girls but also increased their contempt for them, as is revealed in the boys' interviews. This aggressive and abusive behaviour from older boys, which prevented girls from studying in a safe and supportive environment, has been largely ignored in the media in its limited debate on sexual abuse in schools; yet in many ways it represents a greater daily threat to girls than teachers' sexual advances.
Abusive behaviour followed a similar pattern with boys and teachers in the three mixed schools (and to a very limited extent with male teachers in the all-girls' school). The girls from all four schools also reported similar experiences with male adults and adolescents outside the school. However, the form the abuse took was different with each group of perpetrators. For the purpose of this report, these groups are divided into: boys in the school, male teachers in the school and adult men outside the school (mainly sugar daddies but also male adolescents, often unemployed or ex-pupils). Figures for those interviewed are given in Appendix 1. The nature of the abuse as perpetrated by each group is detailed in the following pages. Statistical data refer to the Round 2 interviews with 73 girls, which provided most of the information about incidents of abusive behaviour, unless otherwise stated. On the whole, the girls' account of what happened in and around the school was corroborated by the other groups interviewed.
The analysis starts with an account of the main findings (section 3) from the girls' interviews (documenting abusive behaviour by boys, teachers and male adults and adolescents). This is followed by findings from the interviews with boys, teachers and head teachers, parents and government officials. Section 4 contains a discussion of these findings, followed by recommendations in section 5 to address abuse in schools.
FOOTNOTES
4 22 girls in the whole sample were at least one year older than the average form age.5 Sexual abuse is known to be widespread in primary schools among much younger children. One head teacher told us that it was more prevalent in the upper classes of primary than in secondary. The regional Ministry cited a recent case of a teacher accused of what is officially termed 'improper association' with a 10 year old schoolgirl.
6 According to the head teacher, the higher figure for girls' enrolment is explained by parents choosing to send their sons to a better school or to a boarding school if they have the means, while sending daughters to the less well regarded school with lower fees.
7 It was even reported that boarders frequently contravened the school rules and went out at night without permission to attend night clubs and bars.
8 In the UK, a bill proposing to make it a criminal offence for teachers and social workers to have sexual relationships with children in their care, even if they are over the age of consent (16 years), is being debated in the current session of parliament. If it becomes law, it is estimated that 10-15 teachers a year could face prosecution and a possible two year jail sentence for 'abuse of trust' (The Guardian, 18 September 1999).
9 Rosemary Gordon of the University of Zimbabwe, who has acted in an advisory capacity on this study, told us of an interview she held with a girl who claimed to have been repeatedly 'raped' by her boyfriend. However, it transpired that social conventions which frown on sex outside marriage had made her reluctant to admit that she had sex with her boyfriend voluntarily
