1 Education in Tanzania
2 The schools
3 Findings from the country study
1.1 The strategy for education after independence
1.2 The current primary school system in Tanzania
1.3 Effectiveness of primary schooling in Tanzania
Tanzania became independent from Great Britain in 1961 and, under the leadership of Julius Nyerere, became the location for some of the most daring and radical social reforms seen on the African continent, based on the twin principles of socialism and self-reliance. The history of these various reforms which have taken place in the intervening 35 years is both complex and fascinating, and is well documented by a number of authors (Yeager, 1989, Bevan et al, 1993, Katunzi, 1993, Buchert, 1994, Yisa, 1995, Kent and Mushi, 1995). Today, Tanzania is listed as one of the world's 25 least developed countries with a per capita GNP of US$120 and per capita GDP of US$570 (Yisa, 1995).
Education in particular has been seen as a vital element of Tanzania's drive towards national development since 1967 when President Nyerere articulated the policy of "Education for Self-Reliance" (ESR), following the "Arusha Declaration". Mass political education was seen as a means of building the "Tanzanian Personality" (Kuhanga, 1977) which would inculcate socialist values. Four main strategies were adopted; resettlement of people in "Ujamaa" villages, adult education, compulsory universal primary education and higher education geared towards national manpower requirements. It was anticipated that this would concentrate on the development of human resources rather than wealth for a few, and lead to involvement of Tanzanians in their own development. Socialist education was seen (Kuhanga, 1977) as:
"the tool that can liberate the 'domesticated' colonised people from slavish mentality into the freedom of respectable human beings. It is the tool that can initiate, generate and establish social values which govern the security of the life and property of individuals as well as the public. It is the tool which gives man the techniques to transform and control nature to serve him economically and aesthetically".
The overall intention of mass education was "consciousness-raising", where people would "feel free to make strategic decisions concerning their personal life and well-being and to carry them into effect", and live in "human dignity and quality" (Buchert, 1994:94). Most importantly, education should be relevant to the particular circumstances of post-independence Tanzania, a "poor, undeveloped and agricultural economy" (Nyerere, 1976).
A succession of Five Year Development Plans between 1964 and 1980 featured a huge expansion of the provision of primary education with major school building programmes and a significant increase in enrolment figures. These plans were followed by the National Economic Survival Plan (1981), the Economic Recovery Programme (1986) and the Economic and Social Action Programme (1988). Although major economic reforms were introduced, and a programme of economic and structural liberalisation embarked upon, the national aims for education changed little, emphasising primary education to be a cycle of learning, rather than a selection mechanism for advancement to secondary education. Maki (1993) observes however that, from the 1980s onwards, far less mention was made of educational planning compared with the previous 20 years, with the focus being more on fiscal policy at a macro-level. To date, the education sector is allocated an annual budget which has been dwindling with each successive year. For example, whereas the central government recurrent budget allocation to the Ministry of Education and Culture in 1980/81 was 11.7%, it has fallen to 3.3% in both 1993/94 and 1994/95 (Ministry of Education and Culture, 1996:41).
In order to translate the national aims into action, attempts were made in the 1970's and early 1980's to localise the primary school curriculum, emphasising the integration of theory and productive work. It was intended that this approach to learning, drawing on contributions from parents, agricultural workers and artisans, would enable rural children and young people to develop knowledge, skills and attitudes which reinforced the work ethic and would lead, ultimately, to community development. As Kent and Mushi (1995) state:
"The policy of ESR could therefore be perceived as a political yet pragmatic response to defuse the emerging conflict between the ideology of the state anxious to stem urban migration and the expectations and aspirations of Tanzanian families who perceived that educational progression was the vehicle through which their children gained passage from rural, low paid agricultural employment to urban, relatively well paid employment in a parastatal organisation".
The primary school curriculum was developed to include a combination of practical and theoretical subjects through an integrated programme of study and work. Particular emphasis was laid on agricultural science, since it was anticipated that this would equip young people with the skills necessary to make the most of the potential of life in rural areas. Control of primary schooling was partially decentralised to the regions in order to involve all community members, including those at village level, in the planning and implementation of education. Although community participation was stressed as an intrinsic aspect of the educational process in the community school movement, participation of the consumers in planning and implementation of schooling was negligible. This, ironically, may be due in part to the original concept of "Tanzanianisation" which encouraged the concept of a homogeneous populace with similar goals, aspirations and even culture, incompatible, perhaps, with the reality of a nation of enormous environmental and cultural diversity. In addition, school pupils who were supposed to play a key role in the development of rural communities were barred from active participation since, according to the constitution, school pupils are not members of the village (Katunzi, 1993).
The community schools movement was severely damaged by the fact that it was being developed in parallel with the traditional, post-Independence primary school system which had a different curriculum. National examinations were based on this latter curriculum, and did not take into account many of the practical activities undertaken by community school pupils. Parents, community members and politicians complained against the community based curriculum as year after year, very few of their children were selected to pursue secondary education. Nor were there secondary schools operating in a similar fashion to allow for follow-up of the community school curriculum. Thus the system was unable to achieve its goals.
1.2.1 Aims
In keeping with the ideals of Nyerere, policy for primary education stressed that it "must be a preparation for the life which the majority of children will lead" (Kent and Mushi (1995:8)). This is still reflected in the aims and objectives of primary education, which, according to the Ministry of Education and Culture (1995:5), are as follows:
· to enable every child to understand and appreciate his or her human person, to acquire, value, respect and enrich our common cultural background and moral values, social customs and traditions as well as national unity, identity, ethic and pride;· to provide opportunity and enable every child to acquire, appreciate and effectively use Kiswahili and to respect the language as a symbol of national unity, identity and pride;
· to enable every child to understand the fundamentals of the National Constitution as well as the enshrined human and civic rights, obligations and responsibilities of every citizen;
· to enable every child to acquire basic learning tools of literacy, communication, numeracy and problem solving as well as basic learning content of integrated relevant knowledge, skills and attitudes needed for survival and development to full capacity;
· to provide the child with the foundations of self-initiative, self-advancement and self-confidence; to prepare the child for second-level education (i.e. secondary, vocational, technical and continuing education); and
· to prepare the child to enter the world of work.
1.2.2 Structure
Currently, the education structure in Tanzania is 2:7:4:2:3+, (that is, 2 years of pre-primary education, 7 years of primary education, 4 years of secondary Ordinary Level, 2 years of secondary Advanced Level and a minimum of 3 years of university of education). Pre-primary education, is however, offered to very few children as it was formalized only recently. It is intended that, ultimately, each primary school will have a preprimary school attached to it. Primary education is not free; the fee rose during the field research period from 200 shillings (about 30p) to 1000 shillings (about £1.20) per year, a matter of concern for many poor parents.
1.2.3 Curriculum
Tanzania Institute of Education (TIE) is now responsible for pre-primary, primary, secondary school and teacher education curriculum design, development, dissemination, monitoring and evaluation. The development of the curriculum is centralized, therefore, and is universal for the whole of Tanzania. The natural diversity in a large, heterogenous country with more than 120 different tribal groups has led to alienation of many people from a centralised process of curriculum development and hence the education system (Malekela, 1993). By 1992, there were 13 subjects taught at the primary school level: Kiswahili, Mathematics, English, Sports and Games, Art and Craft, Music, Science, Health Science and Home Economics, Political Education/Civics, Geography, Agriculture, Religion and History. Following complaints by teachers and the public that the curriculum was too overcrowded, the government in 1992 revised it leading to the reduction of compulsory subjects from 13 to 7: Kiswahili, English, Mathematics, Social Studies, Science, Life Skills and Religious Instruction. In addition, the curriculum is expected to balance the requirements of the majority of children who do not proceed to secondary education, with the requirements of those few who proceed to secondary education. By August 1996, however, very few primary schools had started to use the new curriculum as the syllabi, textbooks and teachers' guides had not reached the schools.
Standard VII pupils must take the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE), and their performance in the PSLE determines their chance of progressing to secondary school level. Testing is also carried out at Standard IV for diagnostic purposes. The number of candidates in the PSLE who score 50% and above (which is a passing grade) is very small. For example, in 1986, only 17% of the Standard VII candidates passed. Data from Morogoro region for 1992 and 1993 showed that only 10% and 8% of the candidates passed the examination in the respective periods. Failure rates are highest in Mathematics, English and Science subjects, in rural areas and among girls.
1.2.4 Teaching Staff
Numbers of primary school teachers had increased by 340% between 1974 and 1992, from 29,000 to 98,000, although many of these were Standard VII leavers with between 8 and 24 months of teacher training (Kent and Mushi, 1996). Currently, there are two categories of teachers at the primary school level; Grade A, those who have completed Secondary Ordinary level education plus two years of teacher education, and Grade B who have Standard VII education plus two years of teacher education. By 1995, there were 105,280 teachers teaching in 10,927 schools of whom 63,845 (60.6%) were Grade B (Ministry of Education and Culture, 1996:30). Most Grade B teachers have neither a satisfactory knowledge base in academic subjects nor an adequate professional training. Although the commitment to teaching of Grade B teachers, especially in the rural areas, has been commendable, there exists the necessity to raise their level of education. The recruitment of Standard VII leavers for Grade B teacher training ceased in 1993. According to the new education and training policy, the minimum qualification for a primary school teacher shall be possession of a valid Grade A Teacher Education Certificate whose entry qualification to teachers colleges shall be a minimum of Division III of the Certificate of Secondary Education Examination followed by a two year professional training at a teachers' college. This is intended to raise teachers' quality and professional competence for the efficiency of primary education. The current 63,845 Grade B teachers have, therefore, to upgrade themselves to Grade A through correspondence education and take the O-level examinations as private candidates. Upon succeeding in meeting the minimum admission requirements for Grade A teacher training colleges, they will undergo a one year training course.
1.3.1 Resources
Although education and development were seen as intrinsically linked from the first days of Tanzania's independence, primary education continues to be severely under-resourced. According to official statistics of the Ministry of Education and Culture (1994), in 1993 there were insufficient numbers of permanent buildings and furniture in primary schools to meet the requirements of the potential primary school population, and most of the existing buildings were in a state of disrepair. Teaching-learning materials were in short supply, and three-fifths of the teaching force had qualifications below that recommended by government. Class sizes ranged from 50 to 150 with an average of 80 pupils.
1.3.2 Enrolment, attendance and progression
Initial success in educational improvement was gained by increasing enrolment figures. At independence, primary school enrolment was 25%; by 1981, 98% of 7-13 year olds were enrolled in Standard I. Particular success was achieved with enrolment of girls, which had become equal to that of boys by 1985. By 1995 a total of 3,877,643 children (1,961,879, [50.6%] male and 1,915,764 [49.4%] female) were enrolled between Standard I and VII (Ministry of Education and Culture, 1996). Gross and Net enrolment ratios were 77.6 and 55.4 respectively (Ministry of Education and Culture, 1996). Although enrolment and attendance in primary education has long been compulsory for all children aged 7-13 years, in practice this is not enforced. The drop-out rate between Standard I-VII is 20-25% (Malekela, 1995) and rural areas seem to suffer proportionately lower enrolment and higher dropout rates in comparison with urban areas.
Figures for the progression of primary school leavers to secondary education is shown in Table 1.
These statistics reveal that, currently, only 14.3% of Standard VII leavers enter secondary school, 7.3% enter government schools, whilst the remainder enter private secondary school. The centralised examination system has always been seen as a means of selecting primary school pupils for entrance to secondary school and on to higher levels of the education system, regardless of the fact that this was in direct opposition to the goals of ESR. A recent survey (Kent and Mushi, 1995) revealed that 85% of males and 90% of females of the sample at primary school wanted to proceed to secondary school, although a significantly smaller percentage of both actually expected that this would occur in reality. In the past, possession of a certificate has provided the route towards further education or wage-earning employment, and success in examinations has been regarded highly by parents, pupils and teachers alike. The number of parents who are now prepared to pay for private education for their children highlights the increasing demand for secondary schooling. Many communities, both urban and rural, are also building their own secondary schools. This scheme receives some financial support from government, but still requires considerable funding from community sources. Further emphasising the increasing burden of the cost of education on parents and communities, relatively better-off parents in urban areas, and increasing numbers of poor parents in rural areas, are sending their children to tuition classes where they pay tuition fees of not less than 1000 shillings per month to the tutors, who tend to be the most competent primary school teachers. Although statistics are not available, it is stated frequently by teachers and parents that the children who attend tuition classes are far more likely to proceed to secondary schools (Malekela, 1993).
Table 1 Primary Education Leavers and Form I Selection, 1963-1995
Year |
Std. VIII/VII |
Form I Selection |
| ||
|
leavers |
Public |
Private |
Total |
% |
1963 |
17042 |
4972 |
0 |
4972 |
29.2 |
1968 |
58872 |
6989 |
2511 |
9500 |
16.1 |
1973 |
106203 |
8165 |
4964 |
13129 |
12.4 |
1978 |
185293 |
8720 |
8467 |
17187 |
9.3 |
1983 |
454604 |
9899 |
9606 |
19505 |
4.3 |
1988 |
347978 |
15675 |
20789 |
36464 |
10.5 |
1993 |
363404 |
21531 |
26965 |
48496 |
13.3 |
1994 |
370534 |
24321 |
28498 |
52819 |
14.4 |
1995 |
386564 |
28412 |
* |
* |
* |
Source: Ministry of Education and Culture, 1996
* Data from private secondary schools had not been compiled by the time these statistics were produced.
1.3.3 Public perceptions of primary schooling
High drop-out rates and low rates of progression to secondary school normally lead to dissatisfaction with an education system from a range of stakeholders, and this is indeed the case in Tanzania. A recent study on parents' attitudes towards education (TADREG, 1993) reveals that parents feel they are not getting value for money from primary schooling, that many children are leaving school illiterate and innumerate, that "self-reliance" activities are mostly exploitative, that resources are being misused, that relations between school and community are poor, and that teachers abuse their authority over their pupils out of sheer frustration. The report cites the "inefficient hierarchy which runs primary education" as the main culprit. Bureaucratic inertia and mis-appropriation and embezzlement of funds has exacerbated the situation, with problems in distribution of supplies in addition to national shortages, and complex regulations surrounding the development of curricula and text books and materials (Kent and Mushi, 1995). The examination system is blamed also, since only academic aspects of the curriculum have been examined to date; the more practical and developmental sections have been accorded lower prestige, leading to abandonment of teaching of these elements or poor attendance by pupils. Parents see little advantage in contributions from community members to school teaching, or to their children being involved in manual and agricultural activities, when these seem to have no influence on their chance to progress to secondary school or to find employment.
Pupils seem also to be disillusioned with the teaching and learning process and drop out either to look for more pragmatic activities or to take up actual work opportunities in the newly expanding informal sector. This increases the likelihood of rural young people leaving home with little or no formal schooling and moving to urban areas to join the rising numbers of the unemployed. Also, many of those pupils who do complete primary schooling are thought to be undereducated, lacking knowledge and skills which are directly useful to life in the rural community. Much of what is learned at school through predominantly rote learning practices seems not to be transferable, disadvantaging school leavers from undertaking other occupations in the formal or informal sector.
Teachers are not happy with the situation either. Sections of the Tanzanian press champion regularly the teachers' cause, noting the need for a general improvement in school infrastructure, provision of in-service training to teachers and improved supplies of teaching-learning materials in schools. Salaries are a particularly emotive issue as, under present conditions, teachers tend to look for projects outside school in order to supplement their incomes. These alternative income-generating activities are sometimes carried out during school hours, leading to increased teacher absences in many schools. Teacher absence is worsened by the need for all teachers to collect their monthly salaries personally from the District Education Office. Distances to travel for those in rural areas, delays in payment and problems with the banking system mean that many teachers miss several days from school each month in order simply to collect their wages.
Clearly, from this overview of the national situation, the education system in Tanzania is in need of support, improvement and development. Although, as seen above, much literature may be found relating to the education system in general, little information appears to exist on actual practice in school. The following case studies were carried out in order to learn from the reality of the classroom about the nature of teaching and learning in two Tanzanian rural schools, paying particular attention to the way in which learning is contextualised through the medium of agriculture.
2.1 Selecting the schools
2.2 Location of the schools - Arumeru district
2.3 An 'innovative' school - School A
2.4 An 'average' school - School B
Two schools were selected for detailed case studies following discussions with the District Education Officer (DEO) of the District in which the research was carried out. In addition to the characteristics of an innovative school which had been offered by the researchers, the DEO suggested several more. These included:
· a hard-working, disciplined environment;· a source of leadership in the community, for example by discouraging local conflicts through harmonious relations between staff and between school and community;
· the capacity to look forward for future development;
· cleanliness;
· possessing gardens with practical activities going on, especially if these activities reflect what happens in local homes, such as vegetable growing;
· use of teaching aids;
· time and opportunity for pupils to make things and to talk about their experiences.
Following discussions, one school was selected as "innovative", and a second was chosen as an "average" school. It was clear from an early stage, however, that it was perhaps easier to select an "innovative" school than an "average" school, due to the huge differences between schools in the District. Two other schools were visited also to provide further general information on primary schooling in the locale.
2.2.1 Background
The research study was carried out in Arumeru district, one of the nine districts which form Arusha region, Tanzania. The district lies between 3.5 and 3.7 degrees South of the Equator on the slopes of Mount Meru, the second highest mountain in the country with a height of 14,000 feet above sea level. Arumeru lies between 2,600 and 6,000 feet above sea level with an annual rainfall of between 600 mm and 1200 mm. Temperatures range between 20 and 28 degrees Centigrade. There are three major climatic zones in the district, the Upper Belt, the Middle Belt and the Lower Belt. These zones vary in altitude, rainfall and predominant types of agriculture, with coffee and cash crops being grown mainly on the higher ground, and increasing numbers of livestock kept on land at lower altitudes. The Lower Belt is characterised also by irrigated crop production.
Arumeru district has an area of 2,966 sq.km., which is 3.6% of the whole Arusha region with an area of 82,424 sq.km. Administratively the district is divided into 6 divisions, 37 wards and 133 villages. It is composed of two major ethnic groups, the Maasai/Waarusha and the more sedentary Wameru. According to the census of 1988, Arumeru district had a population of 321, 898 people. The population annual growth rate was estimated to be 3.8% (slightly higher than the regional average of 3.5%). Based on projections, the district was estimated to have a population of 407,524 people by 1995 with an average population density of 137 people per sq.km. (being one of the highest population density in the country). The average population density, however, varies from the highly populated fertile highlands on the slopes of Mount Meru to that of the lowlands which have a scattered population. The district's current Crude Birth Rate is estimated to be 53 people per 1000 while the Crude Death Rate is estimated to be 15 people per 1000. Life expectancy is estimated to be between 60-65 years which is above the national average of 53.
2.2.2 Education in Arumeru District
Administration
At the district level, the Education Department is headed by the DEO who is assisted by two Supplies and Statistics Officers, one Adult Education Officer, two District Academic Officers, one Audio-Visual Aid Officer, one Home Economics Education Officer, and an Agricultural Education Officer. These education officers are assisted by other support staff, such as secretaries, drivers and storekeepers.
Academically and professionally the DEO reports to the Regional Education Officer and then to the Ministry of Education and Culture. Administratively, the DEO is responsible to the District Council and is the chief advisor to the Council on all educational matters. He reports to the District Administrative Secretary. The district councils are under the Prime Minister's Office which has a Ministry Regional Administration and Local governments under which all district councils fall.
Achievements registered in 1995
As a result of people's efforts in collaboration with their leaders, two day secondary schools were established. Application to register two more schools were sent to the Ministry of Education and Culture headquarters so that Form I could start in 1996. Furthermore, using the District Education Fund, the district council managed to buy, without central government assistance, iron sheets to roof classrooms in 29 primary schools and desks for 13 schools.
Problems in 1995
The Education Department was faced in 1995 with transport problems and difficulties in paying teachers' salaries. The Department had a lorry and a landrover, both of which were in bad condition and needed major repairs to serve a district of 148 schools with a total of 67,001 pupils. Distribution of school materials due to this transport problem was delayed severely. Teachers also faced the following problems:
· delayed entry in the central payroll;
· delayed adjustment of their salaries for more than a year;
· non-payment of leave and medical expenses; and
· being paid 5% instead of 10% of their entitled housing allowance.
Other problems cited by the District Education Officer included large numbers of pupils in classes, equipment shortages, absence of school lunches, no resource centres to help teachers raise standards of teaching and learning, constant changes in the curriculum with no accompanying inservice training and shortages of school buildings. Books, visual aids and basic teaching materials such as paper and pens were in such short supply that they were rarely seen in most schools. The sheer size of the Arumeru District was also a major concern; the DEO had only managed to visit half of the schools in the previous two years. Some schools were never visited unless a crisis arose. A lack of District Schools Inspectors worsened this situation. The narrow outlook of some Inspectors was also criticised since it was stated that teachers were sometimes reprimanded for not following the teachers' guides exactly, even when attempting to introduce alternative approaches to teaching and learning. A general lack of confidence amongst teachers was said to prevail, and no mechanism existed which could support and encourage teachers to experiment with alternative methods.
2.3.1 The Community Environment
School A is situated in a village in the Arumeru district, about 10 Km east of Arusha. The village consists of about 600 households; as the average number of children per household is about 6, this means the population is in the region of 5,000.
Agriculture
Agriculture is the main economic activity in the village. The main cash crop is coffee, but maize, bananas and beans are important crops both for sale and consumption. Many households have small vegetable gardens which are usually tended by older children. The average area of land cultivated by a household is 2 acres, which, in the opinion of villagers questioned, is too small for a household to produce enough food for consumption and sale. Land is at a premium in the area, so land is cultivated intensively. Fortunately the soil in the area is a moderately fertile loam, and there is a surplus of ground water. This ensures a reliable main harvest each year from July to September but it is possible to achieve three harvests of maize per year. Mixed cropping is practised and both manure and artificial fertiliser are applied. A typical yield of maize would be 500-600 Kg per acre. Livestock are reared, mainly goats, chickens and pigs, and cows are kept for dairy production. Cows are zero grazed on banana and bean leaves and dried grasses due to land being utilised mainly for cropping.
Social and economic background
The villagers have access to piped water and electricity, although few homes are connected to the power supply. The main tarred road from Arusha to Dar es Salaam runs alongside the village, but access to the village itself is by a narrow, uneven dirt road or by footpaths through the banana trees and coffee farms. Occupations range from purely farming to various types of business such as owning bars, shops and buses. A number of people have settled in the village from other areas in northern Tanzania, particularly from Kilimanjaro region. These settlers are mainly people of the Chagga tribe who are renowned for their business acumen, and tend to be among the better off, financially. The other two tribal groups represented are the Wameru and the Waarusha, the latter being related to the Maasai. Kiswahili is spoken by everyone and is the lingua franca. Some of the female primary school teachers work in the village but live in Arusha town where their husbands are employed.
There is a considerable difference in wealth between members of the village both in terms of income and expenditure. It is estimated that the average expenditure of a farmer's household would be about 3000 shillings per day but the daily income might be slightly more than this. Nothing is provided free by the government of Tanzania, and people must contribute to the cost of education, health, and all other services. Income is seasonal, with a steady flow in the harvesting period, and a very lean period from January to June in the growing season. Vegetable growing makes an important contribution at this time. Men and women are involved equally in farming activities now that traditional roles, where men ploughed and planted and women weeded and harvested, are breaking down. Everyone is expected to contribute to the work. Women are still responsible for cooking, collecting firewood and water and men do the "heavy work" which includes spraying and pruning. Men never cook, since, according to a male member of the school committee, "a man who cooks has no respect - he is only a man because he is born a man, that's all". Women work for many more hours than men who do not participate in household chores. Children tend not to be too involved in farming activities if they are attending school, which, as mentioned earlier, is compulsory in Tanzania in theory. Children do assist with certain tasks such as harvesting coffee, cutting grass for livestock and weeding, at weekends or during school holidays They also contribute to household duties such as collecting water and firewood.
Relations between School and Community
The head teacher explained that there is considerable interaction between the school and the community. Another teacher supported this by noting that the villagers were very interested in the education of their children, and had been proud especially because of the high entrance rate of pupils from the school in the government secondary school. Another reason given for community spirit was the relative diversity of tribes (around 5) compared with other villages. This was seen as encouraging harmony and co-operation. Community-school relations are facilitated by a Village School Committee, which is composed of 15 people, 3 of whom are teachers (including the head teacher who is its secretary). The function of this committee is to identify ways in which village members can contribute to the development of the school, and also to assist in certain issues such as discipline and absence of pupils. This committee also organises two meetings for all community members in a year, which many parents attend. Up to now the community has not invited school members to participate in community activities, however. Teachers do contribute to "Self-Reliance" activities in the community, for which they are given leave of absence. One teacher also said that he made financial contributions to community projects. The school occasionally invites certain community members into the school to assist with teaching in some subject areas. These guest speakers may include veterinary, health and extension staff.
2.3.2 The School Environment
Background
School A was established in 1974 and comprises 540 pupils and 17 teachers. There are 264 male pupils and 276 females. 15 of the teachers are women; one of the two males is the head teacher. 8 of the teachers are registered as Grade A whilst the remainder are grades B and C. According to the head teacher there are sufficient teachers to teach the requirements of the school timetable. About 95% of the school children are from an agricultural background. Many live within 2 km of the school, but some pupils interviewed stated that they have to travel as much as 8 km from home to school. The catchment area is small because of the large number of primary schools in the area (148 in Arumeru District). On average, 40 out of the 540 pupils (7.4%) are absent at any one time. Absenteeism is due to sickness, pregnancy (this was relatively low, only one case in the previous academic year), or where children are called upon by their parents to work on the farm or go voluntarily to work in local mines (boys only). There are no repeaters in the school at present.
School A has a good academic reputation (one of the reasons it was identified by the DEO as being suitable for this research study). Between 1980 and 1995, 86 pupils had been selected to Form I in public schools. Of 66 Standard VII pupils in 1995, 20 obtained places in government secondary school and a few others obtained places in private secondary schools. This compares favourably with the national average percentage of primary leavers entering government secondary school of 7%. The District Academic Officer (DAO) noted, however, that this progression rate was influenced strongly by the opening of a new day secondary school in the locality. Like the primary school, this secondary school was constructed largely using local community contributions. In order to have 80 Form I entrants by the time of opening (July 31,1996) a larger number than usual of Standard VII finalists were deemed to have performed sufficiently well to gain entrance. The DAO pointed out also that the number of day secondary schools in the District is mushrooming, increasing by around 5 each year. Since these schools lack qualified teachers and most resources, particularly for science and technology subjects, the quality of education gained is open to question. In the long term this may affect the quality of primary school teachers, since some of them will come through this under-resourced secondary education sector.
School Surroundings and infrastructure
Infrastructurally the school is in a poor condition. There is no electricity supply, even though the posts carrying the wires run less than 5m from the school wall. Piped water is available nearby, but it is not clean, and teachers and pupils must travel about 1.5 km to the nearest drinkable supply. The school building is a long, narrow construction, the width of one classroom built of unrendered concrete block with a corrugated iron roof (Photo 1).
Doors and windows are open spaces, although a few windows do have shutters which can be closed. In the cold season, mornings can be very cool and parents worried that some pupils would suffer in the classrooms open to the elements, especially those who are too poor to own warm clothes. As one parent stated, "in the cold season, children's handwriting gets very bad". It is a condition set by the government of Tanzania that a village community should build a primary school up to the level of the wall plates themselves; having done this, the district council then provides the roof. The village members also have constructed or provided all the furniture in the school, two teachers houses, latrines, and organised school security (a night watchman) to reduce theft of materials.
There are seven classrooms, each measuring about 10 metres square. Classroom furniture, made by village carpenters, is a collection of combined benches and desks, each of which is intended to accommodate two pupils. Since there are between 70 and 85 pupils per class (about the average class size in Tanzanian primary schools), pupils double up on desks, resulting in 4 children per desk from standard III upwards. Children in Standards I and II are allowed to remain at 3 per desk as it is thought that they need more space in their early years of schooling to increase their chance of intellectual development. Parents interviewed remarked that they would like to see class-sizes meet Tanzanian government regulations which recommends that a class should have 45 pupils.
In the centre of the school block are two small rooms, an office for the headteacher and a staffroom for lesson preparation and marking. This "staffroom" for 16 teachers measures approximately 3 metres square, and is a major source of discontent amongst staff (photo 2). The school stands in grounds of 5 acres which staff feel is insufficient for over 500 pupils to move around and to be used also for ESR activities, including agricultural production. Of the 2 teachers' houses, one is occupied by the headteacher, the other shared by 3 single female teachers. The headteacher has an impressive plot on school property in which he grows cabbages and tomatoes to supplement his income. The school "garden" is rather less impressive, however, and looks distinctly neglected compared with the shambas farmed by community members across the fence.
Photo 2 The staffroom (school A)
A problem identified by most respondents was the shortage of materials and resources at the school. Parents are expected to provide all stationery for their children, but, as stated in the national policy on education, the government should provide textbooks and specific resources for teaching and learning. This, according to the head teacher, was not happening. He noted that specific books are recommended to be used in conjunction with the syllabus, and without these it is almost impossible for most teachers to teach the required elements. Many of these books are not available in the school, neither the teacher's guide nor pupil's textbooks. Pupils complained also of the lack of books, especially in English and Science.
In a Standard VII Agriculture lesson observed, there were six atlases for 85 children, and one set of digging tools. Science lessons which require specialised equipment such as chemicals, microscopes and bunsen burners are entirely theory based. Teachers do make some teaching aids from locally available materials; some examples observed were latrine covers, stools, puppets and dress patterns made from food sacks. At least there appears to be no shortage of chalk, which has been a problem in some Tanzanian primary schools. Manila paper is in short supply. Posters on various topics (mainly health and conservation issues), available for use by teachers, were on the wall of the headteacher's office but not in the classrooms. During the Agriculture lesson (Photo 3), the teacher demonstrated briefly a knapsack sprayer, but in a rather cursory fashion, and none of the pupils participated actively. Again, during a practical session on planting coffee, only three boys were engaged actively in the practical activity due to a lack of equipment; the rest of the class stood around watching.
Parents were concerned that a schools broadcasting service on the Tanzanian national radio had been discontinued, since this had been a means of supplementing teaching in school. They also wished that reference materials could be made available for their children's use, again as a means of supplementing what was learned in class.
2.3.3 The Teachers
The teaching staff have all been through a teacher-training programme, and by the standards of some Tanzanian primary schools are a well qualified cohort. Some have been teaching at the school for more than four years. There is no in-service training available, normally. The head teacher, who had been at the school for 4 years, bemoaned the fact that he had qualified as a teacher in 1983 and had received no training since then. One long-serving teacher (17 years) had gone on a 3 month training course which "updated" him in Environmental Science, Maths, Science and English in 1994. He said that he found this most useful and wished he could receive more training, especially in English and Maths. In his words, "You rest, you rust".
The head teacher stated that he and his staff were not happy about teaching in general, mainly because he felt that they are underpaid, a statement agreed with by all the teachers interviewed. Teachers felt that they needed to earn at least twice their current salary to have a reasonable living wage. The head teacher felt a four-fold increase was more appropriate. One parent, who had himself retired from primary teaching after many years service, noted that teachers used to receive an adequate salary, and would even pay the school fees of poor pupils whose parents could not afford to send them to school. Another problem identified by the village school committee chairman and the DAO was that teachers were often not paid on time, and had to go several days on the run to the local district education office to ask for their salary, during school hours. Even when they eventually received their cheque, there was no guarantee that the bank would have funds to cash it. In one group of teachers interviewed, three out of four said that teaching was not their first choice of career, but they had taken it up after failing to enter into other professional training (accountancy, law). These same three teachers stated that their first reason for wanting to teach was "to earn money". One longer serving teacher said that she wished to "help in life". In order to supplement their income, the head teacher noted that most teachers resort to other earning activities, such as his own vegetable production enterprise. In addition, he and other teachers practice "tuition", extra teaching carried out in spare time, identical in nature to normal teaching, either during evenings or at weekends.
In response to a question about what makes a good teacher, a wide range of criteria were mentioned by the different groups and individuals interviewed. These were then listed and ranked by a group of pupils (4 boys and 4 girls) and by a group of teachers (1 male and 3 females) (Table 2).
Some specific issues were mentioned in relation to these criteria. The head teacher felt that teachers should have good passes in important subjects, particularly English, Mathematics and Science, as this would result in a better pass rate amongst pupils, and hence an increased number progressing to secondary school. He stated also that he would prefer to have more male teachers in the school for several reasons. Firstly he felt that female teachers taking maternity leave disturbed the equilibrium in the school. He claimed also that female teachers had to do a lot of domestic work at home which took their attention away from school duties. Finally he mentioned that female teachers who were married to men with a higher status than teachers were sometimes rude to other teachers, himself included! With regard to pupil-teacher relationships, the head teacher stressed that beating was an important aspect of school life, as it "helps students learn". Pupils when interviewed had identified beating as the element they disliked most about school. He went on to note that teachers need to develop a "good correspondence with pupils" and "become friends" with them.
Some of the qualities which appear as ranked highly by pupils are quite different to those given high positions by the teachers. For example, "Gets many pupils into secondary school" and "strictness and discipline" are ranked higher by the pupils, but are ranked much lower by teachers. When asked to state why they had ranked in this way, pupils said that they aspired to secondary education and hence wanted a teacher who could help them realise their dream. Teachers thought that a good education, love of teaching and commitment were more essential than the other criteria as in order to teach well, one had to be academically and professionally proficient.
Table 2 Ranking of Qualities of a Good Teacher: Pupils and Teachers (School A.)
Pupils' response |
Teachers' response |
1. Gets many pupils into secondary school |
1. Good education |
2. Gives examples |
2. Love of teaching |
3. Love of teaching |
3. Commitment |
4. Encourages interest |
4. Follows syllabus |
5. Gives feedback |
5. Appearance |
6. Strictness and discipline |
6. Prepares for lessons |
7. Good education |
7. Can use and make teaching aids |
8. Willing to learn from others |
8. Attends classes |
9. Gender (Male) |
9. Gives examples |
10. Is active in the classroom |
10. Helps pupils understand |
11. Helps pupils understand |
11. Encourages interest |
12. Prepares for lessons |
12. Gives feedback |
13. Can use and make teaching aids |
13. Flexibility |
14. Good behaviour |
14. Is active in the classroom |
15. Follows syllabus |
15. Good behaviour |
16. Commitment |
16. Friendly to pupils |
17. Friendly to pupils |
17. Strictness and discipline |
18. Appearance |
18. Willing to learn from others |
19. Attends classes |
19. Gets many pupils into secondary school |
20. Flexibility |
20. Gender |
2.3.4 The Learners
As mentioned earlier, children and young people in rural areas of Tanzania are expected, to assist their family members with household tasks, and sometimes with agricultural activities. A mapping exercise (Figure 1) was carried out to determine the range of non-school activities which school pupils are involved in (this method was developed considerably during the other country studies). When asked to identify, diagrammatically, their main activities, in terms of where they went on a regular basis, all four boys who carried out the exercise noted that they went to school, to the shop, to market, to the field, to collect firewood and to play. The four girls who took part also noted the first five, but instead of playing, all identified water collection as one of their main activities. It is interesting to note from this exercise that the pupils who drew the maps in this school did not draw any illustrations or pictures in their maps, even though they were told that they could present the maps in any way they wished. Classrooms were devoid of any pictures or posters, and the few books available were illustrated minimally. The shortage of paper, pens and pencils, also restricted opportunities for drawing.
Figure 1 A pupil's mapping diagram (School A)
A group of pupils (4 boys and 4 girls) were asked to identify the reasons why children go to school, and why some children do not go to school. They were then requested to rank these as a group exercise, and the resulting table was as follows (Table 3).
Table 3 Why do some children go to school and others don't? (School A)
Why do children go to school? |
Why do some children not go to school? |
1. To get a good job |
1. Some go to work at mines (boys) |
2. To be able to read and write |
2. Inability to pay for school requirements (uniforms, books, pens) |
3. To be able to struggle in life |
3. Parents use children as source of labour |
4. In order to get more knowledge |
4. Some engage in petty business (boys) |
5. To be good at mathematics |
5. Inability to pay school fees |
6. To learn about agriculture |
6. Afraid of being beaten by teachers |
7. To be able to speak English |
7. Some are academically weak |
8. To do things less demanding than home activities |
8. Marriage |
9. To make friends |
9. |
From the reasons given for attending school, future prospects are clearly at the top of the list; it is ironic therefore that the reasons given for children not attending school are primarily economic.
2.3.5 Teaching and Learning Processes
The curriculum and content of learning
As mentioned earlier, the curriculum in use in all Tanzanian primary schools is prepared entirely by the Tanzania Institute of Education in Dar es Salaam, and it is not adapted or adjusted in any way at school level. There is some confusion over the curriculum at School A, since the government has introduced a 7 subject structure as opposed to 13, but some of the new subjects such as "Life Skills" are not yet being taught. The syllabus for certain subjects also appears not to have changed, even though there should be a difference between the old and the new syllabus. According to the District Academic Officer, the new curriculum was supposed to be fully implemented by the end of 1997, but he felt that "everything could still change". One teacher noted that the constant changes in the curriculum content made teaching very difficult, especially as teachers were not consulted, informed late, and books and resource development failed to keep up with curriculum change.
All teachers interviewed expressed the view that the curriculum is too full, even after the reduction of subjects from 13 to 7. Time is clearly a problem, since all those interviewed felt that not enough time was available to cover all the content. The large class sizes were also cited as a reason for insufficient time to deal with individual students sufficiently.
One teacher stated that it is necessary for teachers to "second-guess" examination questions and limit their teaching to those subject areas identified as the ones most likely to come up in the PSLE papers. Not all 13 subjects in the old curriculum were examined, so that in terms of what is actually taught, little may have changed. The head teacher felt that much of the content of the new curriculum is irrelevant since it relies on materials and equipment unavailable in the local community, such as machines in the Science syllabus. Not only did the pupils have little or no experience of some aspects of the curriculum, it was not possible for the school to obtain many items described, making some teaching totally theoretical and abstract.
The school committee chairman suggested that more periods in Maths, Science and Language were required to give pupils a stronger foundation in these subject areas. Some teachers felt that more agricultural and vocational education would be valuable. Parents agreed with this, but emphasised the need to base practical agricultural activities on sound scientific methods. They noted that agriculture lessons appeared to have been limited to manual labour in the school garden. Domestic Science/Home Economics was mentioned by several teachers as a particularly useful subject for girls only, although it is studied by all pupils.
In interviews with pupils, English was identified as the most popular subject, because it would help when seeking a good job. The subject disliked most by boys was Domestic Science, since "they are not women". Girls disliked Games most, as they said they did not like to get dirty. Boys thought also that Agriculture was a "boys" subject, but they did not see any problem with girls studying it. The subject seen as easiest to cope with is Kiswahili, because it is a language they all speak daily, and one they knew even before coming to school. Maths is seen as the most difficult subject, particularly Geometry. Pupils stated that they thought education was very important overall.
What takes place in the classroom
Teaching methods observed at the school involved traditional chalk and talk and demonstrations. Teachers interviewed did state that they used group methods in English, Science and Mathematics lessons but that they found this approach difficult. Reasons given for this included the large numbers in the class being unmanageable, and the difficulty in knowing whether individuals were "learning" when they worked in groups. It was claimed by the teachers that pupils preferred whole class teaching. It was observed that pupils automatically huddled into large groups when it came to using resource materials. The alacrity with which they did this suggested that this was indeed a common occurrence. In one observed class, the teacher visited each group to check on their progress. A Standard I teacher, stated that he used group work on a regular basis, dividing his class into 3 groups. He called the groups A, B and C, and encouraged all pupils to be promoted into group A as a motivational strategy. According to this teacher, lazy pupils were pulled up by the others, and pupils "teach themselves". Other teachers noted that pupils frequently helped each other with their work. Standard VII pupils stated that they did work in groups occasionally and that they enjoyed it.
The head teacher emphasised the importance of using questioning techniques to draw responses from students and involve them in the lesson. This approach was observed in the classroom, although the questioning in an observed lesson was based on simple recall rather than problem-solving. The pupils did not ask questions themselves in this lesson, but both teachers and pupils interviewed stated that pupils did ask questions. The Standard I teacher noted that his pupils often "give news about themselves", such as what their mother had eaten for breakfast. An interesting feature of the teacher-pupil interaction in the classroom was the spoken agreement by all pupils with statements made by the teacher. The teacher would make regularly a series of statements to each of which the entire class would respond "Ndiyo!" (yes) in unison. This exchange could develop a rhythm which seemed to draw a response automatically from the pupils, including from those who previously had been glancing out of the window or writing on their hands. Pupils did not take notes during one lesson observed, and the teacher rubbed all her notes off the blackboard before the class could write them down. Afterwards she wrote up a series of questions related to the subject which they were then expected to answer in their notebooks. This was supposed to encourage pupils to think about what they had heard and seen during the earlier part of the lesson rather than simply copying notes off the board. There were always some teachers observed in the staffroom during school hours marking piles of pupils' exercise books.
Teachers' views on Teaching and Learning.
A group of six teachers (all female) were asked to rank methods of helping pupils to learn better. Ten possible activities were listed, which had emerged during the interviews. Teachers were asked to rank the activities in pairs according to the design of the matrix (Table 4).
Table 4 Summary of Matrix Ranking of Ways of Helping Pupils Learn: Teachers at School A.
Rank |
Method of Learning |
1 |
Pupils doing practical activities |
2 |
Teacher giving examples |
3 |
Pupils asking questions |
4 |
Pupils singing or reciting |
5 |
Teacher talking or reading to pupils |
6 |
Teacher asking questions |
7 |
Pupils talking about their own experiences |
8 |
Pupils writing about their own experiences |
9 |
Pupils helping each other |
10 |
Teacher beating pupils |
"Pupils doing practical activities" and "teacher giving examples" were ranked highly by teachers as the best ways of helping children learn. Teachers said that learning by doing helps pupils remember for a long time, as does the provision of examples if there are many ("examples" included exercises and short assignments). The idea of pupils talking about or writing about their own experiences, which was thought to be relevant to learning since one would be moving from the known to the unknown, was not ranked particularly highly. Asked why this was so, most teachers said that things that happened in pupils' homes were private and some of them confidential. The other argument was that there were class differences among pupils and the types of homes they came from. To ensure that those coming from poor homes with limited resources did not feel an inferiority complex, such an approach was not very much favoured. The teacher beating the pupils as a way of helping them learn was not preferred at all, although it was observed that pupils were being beaten every day, an approach supported strongly by the head teacher. The teachers' ranking therefore might be interpreted as what they saw as an ideal situation, rather than what was practised on a daily basis.
Teachers at School A were of the opinion that teaching and learning could be improved if certain inputs were injected into the system. A group of teachers (four females) prioritised them as shown in Table 5.
Contrary to what might be expected, especially since it was a subject much talked about, higher salaries were not the top priority, and in fact were ranked in bottom place. Teachers ranked most highly the need for better training (both pre-service and in-service), participation in the curriculum development process, and provision of the basic teaching-learning materials which are deficient in schools. They went on to say that without these inputs, a teacher could not do his or her job anyway, and so an increased salary would be meaningless for teachers who had a genuine love of teaching. It should be noted, however, that all teachers interviewed were aware that the focus of the research was teaching and learning practices. The possibility that they prioritised the areas in which they thought they might receive some help from the team cannot be ignored.
Table 5: Inputs needed to improve teaching and learning: Teachers at School A.
Rank |
Inputs |
1. |
Training for teachers (long courses) |
2. |
Consultation in curriculum development |
3. |
Teaching aids |
4. |
Seminars and workshops |
5. |
Stationery (paper, books, pens) |
6. |
Textbooks |
7. |
Support from District Education Office |
8. |
Support from community |
9. |
Smaller numbers in class |
10. |
School inspections |
11. |
More secondary school places |
12. |
Resource centres |
13. |
Buildings |
14. |
Furniture |
15. |
Higher salaries |
Learners' views about teaching and learning
As this was the first case study carried out, and the research process was still being refined, a shortage of time resulted in pupils not being asked to undertake the matrix ranking exercise. In interviews, pupils did say, however, that they preferred teachers who gave examples, and who taught so that they understood. One pupil stated that she preferred teachers to use examples based on what she knew already. Members of one group of pupils interviewed stated that they had "had enough of rural life", and wanted to leave the village because there was nothing new to learn there. One pupil said that she would like to learn about new people and places. Perhaps the proximity to the road, and hence access to Arusha, as well as interest in job possibilities has an influence on the broad view of education held by pupils in the school.
2.3.6 The Home Environment
The parents interviewed stated that they viewed education as being very important for their children, perhaps not surprising as they were members of the village school committee; one parent described it as "the key of life". They felt, however, that educational standards had fallen. Parents interviewed complained that they felt powerless about what went on in schools, even though they were expected to contribute financially to school construction and maintenance. They felt frustrated that they had no possibility to interact with those who decided what their children learned in school.
Various examples were given to illustrate the dissatisfaction with their children's education. One parent claimed that a Standard VIII (top-primary in a previous system) pupil was "brighter" than a Form VI (A level) pupil of today. Another example given was of a Standard I entrant who had the advantage of 2 years kindergarten in Dar es Salaam; it was thought that she was as "bright" as any of the Standard IV pupils in school A. In general, parents felt that children were less enthusiastic about education than they used to be.
The parents interviewed stated that they thought all teachers should continue to receive training in order to keep up to date with new developments and lack of in-service training was identified by parents as a limiting factor in their children's education. One parent stated that he would like to see teachers receive scholarships or some in-service training provided by the government, particularly in the "3 Rs", Science and English. In terms of relative importance, parents identified Mathematics, Geography, Domestic Science (for girls) and Agriculture as key subject areas. They also expressed the wish to see Business Studies/Commerce (to assist school leavers to set up small businesses) and health and disease prevention dealt with more strongly in the curriculum. Parents seem willing to support the school when it comes to disciplinary issues. One parent stated that parents whose children came home complaining of being beaten by a teacher would also mete out discipline to a child "if they knew the value of education". Other parents, however, cited cases of boys who had been circumcised (and therefore had entered into adulthood) being beaten, and even worse, being beaten by female teachers. This went against traditional practice, and some parents had complained when it happened.
Interest of parents in their child's schooling depends on the general outlook of the parents on education. It was stated that some parents regularly checked their children's exercise books and asked them about progress at school, whereas others never bothered; it was "not a skin off their nose if a child works or not". Those who did check test scores were sometimes confused because of the overall low standards of a class; an example was given of a child who came home with a test score of 45%. On being accused by the parent of not working hard, the child pointed out that he had come 4th in the class out of 85, the top mark being only 48%.
It is apparent that the relationship between parents, particularly fathers, and their children also affected the amount of direct parental interest in schooling. In response to the question regarding children asking their parents questions, it was explained that, traditionally, children would find it difficult to talk to their fathers, and would use the mother as a "bridge to the father". Men would tend to talk to other men of their own age group and status. It was claimed that this could be disadvantageous in matters relating to schooling, since many women had not had the opportunity to attend school. Some parents felt that these traditional roles and relationships were changing, and would prefer to return to them to maintain the respect of children for their parents, and the "distance" between them. One parent noted that change was inevitable, however, and it was up to parents to deal with these new situations as they arose.
Some parents felt that their children needed more help with schooling than was offered by the school in normal hours. In addition to the normal primary school fee and the contribution from all villagers of 50 shillings per year for school upkeep, many children at school A receive "tuition". Tuition costs 1000 shillings per month; hence it is a considerable source of income for teachers (or "motivation" as described by the head-teacher) and a major expense for parents. Not all parents can afford to pay for tuition. In the current Standard VII class, made up of 85 pupils, 30 go for "tuition". How much of the school's academic success is due to tuition is not known, but most of the pupils who proceed to secondary school have had the advantage of tuition. Some parents expressed the view that a pupil's progress would be dependent on the wealth of his or her parents, and that educational goals would not be achieved if there was a different form of education for those who could afford it. One parent, a businessman, felt that it was up to parents to pay if they wanted their children to succeed. The local councillor suggested that all parents might make a "top-up" contribution to teachers' pay which would allow all pupils to receive "tuition".
With regard to the future of their children, parents expressed the view that they would prefer their children not to enter agriculture, since they wanted them to "go beyond what they had achieved themselves". They wished that all their children would eventually live in a "modern house", which clearly had implications for their future income and where they would live and work to achieve this goal. They saw that education could enable children to become self-reliant, and to get employment in the "modern sector".
2.3.7 Contextualising Teaching and Learning
With regard to contextualising teaching and learning, teachers acknowledged that, according to Tanzanian government aims for education, they were supposed to relate the content of the curriculum to the local environment. They thought that the pre-service training they had received had been helpful, and did enable them to practice this by relating the content of the curriculum to locally relevant examples. Examples given were:
· discussing local crops and livestock in Geography;· using objects brought in by children (fruits, seeds, household objects) to teach about prepositions in English;
· using round objects from home to teach about circles in Mathematics;
· asking young children how many cows they had at home in Mathematics;
· asking pupils how they cultivated their home vegetable gardens in Agriculture.
From observations and discussions with teachers, it became apparent that some teachers contextualise learning by using examples on the spur of the moment, without conscious planning, or without really understanding that this could be a strategy used more regularly. One teacher noted that basing teaching and learning on children's own experience was useful because teachers "should learn from them", and "have to know their interest". He acknowledged that this was difficult when pupils had different ranges of experience but explained that this could be overcome by using different types of examples, a practice welcomed by pupils as well.
Pupils stated that teachers never asked them directly about their home life, but did sometimes ask about things relating to the village. They thought that what they learned in school was different from what they learned at home because it was an organised programme of learning. They also pointed out that at home they learned agriculture, whereas at school they learned about reading and writing. They did not draw the link themselves between learning about agriculture at home and at school. School learning was thought to be more valuable as it could help them get good jobs. They noted that the qualities of obedience and respect for elders learned at home were useful in the school context. Pupils also laid great emphasis on examples given by teachers. They felt that this was an important part of the learning process, especially when the examples were based "on things they knew already".
In the interviews with parents, a lot of interest was expressed regarding the development of teaching strategies which relate learning to the local context. In general the concept was welcomed, particularly by linking learning to the pupils' agricultural background. There was general agreement, though, that children should not be encouraged to discuss their family life in great detail in the school as this was seen as an invasion of privacy.
2.3.8 Using agriculture as a means of contextualising learning
From the above examples given, it is clear that some teachers did attempt to relate the learning experience to the pupils' agricultural experience, for example in Geography and Mathematics. It was apparent, however, that teachers at School A had a limited capacity to find ways of doing this. This was illustrated, ironically in an agricultural lesson observed which dealt with coffee production. This presented an ideal opportunity to relate the content of the lesson to local conditions, since coffee is the main cash crop grown in the region. The teacher did not ask the children about their knowledge or experience of coffee production, even though children help regularly with the coffee harvest, and coffee trees grew in the school grounds. She did ask the class who had drunk coffee that morning; in fact no-one had, as, in response to a second question, it was apparent that all had drunk tea. She also showed the class small coffee plants, one of which was planted later, and passed around the class examples of coffee beans, fresh and roasted, ground coffee, and leaves with evidence of a rust disease.
Some teachers did use agricultural examples, either intentionally or unintentionally, to bridge the gap between school learning and the home environment. Since, as noted above, discussing the actual domestic scene obviously held a number of taboos, reference to work practices such as agricultural activities had two advantages, firstly being familiar to all school pupils and secondly being fairly uncontentious.
2.3.9 Issues arising from the School A Case Study
The list of characteristics of an innovative school had been discussed with the DEO, but his choice of School A as an example was probably influenced also by the fact that the head-teacher had provided strong leadership in the local community during a period of tribal conflict. Partly as a result of the headteacher's efforts and his good relations with local community members, particularly the village elders, order and harmony had been restored. The good relations between the head teacher and local community members was quite apparent during the visit. Since many schools in Arumeru District do not benefit from this harmonious atmosphere, the reason for the choice of this particular school became more clear. In fact, many of the characteristics of an innovative school are absent from School A, particularly resources such as teaching aids, pictures, books etc. The school is fortunate to have several very long serving teachers, who demonstrated verbally and practically their ability to provide stimulating learning experiences for their pupils. There are also a number of younger teachers, however, who seem to lack enthusiasm for their work, and in this regard a really strong sense of a school community seems absent. Even so, the demand from all teachers for greater support and further training is very strong.
A real advantage for School A is its location in a community which has several business-minded individuals as members. This small group of men have contributed considerably to school funds for buildings and equipment, and have encouraged other community members to give what they could, either financially or through time and labour. The school has also developed a "sister" relationship with a primary school in the UK, and some co-operation and communication is already taking place. In this sense, the relative security of the school means that innovations can be developed in a secure environment. The apparent lack of teacher-led innovation seems, therefore, to be caused by other factors, the absence of which mitigate against the use of alternative methods of teaching and learning. One such factor which might strain relations within the school is the preference of the head-teacher for male staff when apart from himself and one other male, all the teachers are female. Subgroups of teachers appear to exist as well, which is not conducive to the creation of a collaborative culture within the school. There seems also to be a view pertaining amongst many of the school members interviewed that education is very much a means to an end, rather than an important process which can continue throughout life. For some of the teaching staff it provides an interim means of employment. For pupils it may result in a job, preferably after leading to a secondary school education.
The concept of contextualisation proved difficult to grasp for almost everyone interviewed at School A, teachers, pupils and parents alike. A certain amount of explanation and careful questioning, was required before understanding was reached about the focus of the research. Once the nature of contextualisation was grasped, a great deal of enthusiasm was generated, since everyone, without exception, stated that they felt it was an excellent practice to pursue. Some teachers were delighted to discover that they were actually using it to a limited extent, although there was no evidence at School A that learning was being contextualised in a conscious fashion, other than through the use of occasional examples, recognisable to pupils, to illustrate certain topics from the curriculum. It is true that some of these examples have an agricultural basis, but they seemed to be picked out at random. Their use seems also to depend on the enthusiasm of the teacher to move beyond the specific material included in the teachers' guide. All of the teachers interviewed stated that they would like to learn more about how to contextualise learning.
Even with the good relationship between school and community, the school and village environment are not used as a source of interest or reality which can provide a basis for an understanding of more abstract concepts. In this sense, the case study yields little information towards an understanding of how learning can be contextualised and the impact that this would have on pupil performance, attendance, and attitudinal development. It does, however, provoke a degree of questioning about what conditions will create fertile ground for the contextualisation of learning. It also provides an excellent illustration of the enormity of the problems facing rural primary schools in Tanzania.
2.4.1 The Community Environment
School B is situated in a village about 5 km to the south of the village where School A is located. The two villages are separated by a deep valley. School B's village has a population of 2,555 people of which 950 are adults, 1,460 children and 145 are handicapped people. The village also has safe piped water which has been rehabilitated by a USA-based donor agency so that more water is available to meet villagers' requirements
Agriculture
Economically the vast majority of villagers depend on agriculture. The village lies partly on steeply sloping land, where coffee is grown as a cash crop. The other section of the village is on lower lying ground where farmers grow maize, beans, and bananas, mainly as food crops. Livestock are also kept (dairy cattle on hill slopes and beef cattle and goats on the lower and drier areas). On average, a household farms 2 acres of land and owns 2 dairy cows (on the slopes) or 3 beef cows (lower lying). A number of people are engaged in vegetable gardening, but some are employed in a large, commercial, rose growing industry located near to the village. The soil is fertile, and there is no shortage of water for agricultural purposes.
Social and economic background
The villagers have access to piped water and electricity, but few homes are connected to the power supply. The village lies near a wide but rough dirt road, but access to the village itself is by a narrow track or footpath. Occupations range from purely farming to various types of business such as owning bars and shops. The main tribal group represented is the Warusha, but some Wameru and Chagga people live there also.
According to villagers, there is not a great difference in wealth between community members, since there are few business owners. Income is seasonal with lean and relatively affluent periods of the year. A number of farmers are also artisans, e.g. carpenters, cobblers, tailors, but they tend to carry out their trade during the periods of the year when people have cash to hand, during and after the harvest. The average size of a household is 8 people. A number of pupils who attend the primary school are noticeably poorly clothed, and ill-health and poor nutrition are constant problems. From their height and physical appearance, many of the pupils aged 15 or 16 appear to be four or five years younger than they actually are. One pupil had died in the previous year due to malaria, which could have been treated had there been medication available.
Relations between School and Community
The head-teacher and teachers thought that it was important to have a good relationship between the school and community and they felt that, in general, the existing relationship was satisfactory. One problem identified by the headteacher, was that the village school committee wanted to "overcome the school", and the chairman would sometimes arrive expecting to check on how things were going. This situation arose apparently because community members were not sure about the role they had with regard to a school which they had built themselves and continued to support financially. The headteacher had received a manual from the Institute of Manpower Training for Educational Personnel (MANTEP), entitled the "Educational Management Training Manual". This included a section on how a head-teacher should educate the village school committee on "the difference between the school and the village". The village school committee apparently attracts sporadic support, and includes three women members as recommended by government guidelines. Unfortunately the women members rarely attend committee meetings, possibly because they find it difficult to interact with men according to traditional custom.
Some outside "experts" come into the school and contribute to teaching, for example, veterinary and health officers working in the local community. School teachers said that they did not have any particular additional role to play in community life.
2.4.2 School Environment
Background
School B opened in 1977 when universal primary education (UPE) was implemented for the first time, starting with one class. The classroom was constructed by the villagers and parents. Later the villagers built four more classrooms making a total of five. Due to their financial limitations, the parents decided to build the classrooms using poles and thatched with grass. Initially there were no desks at all and children were forced to sit either on the mud floors or on stones. In 1993 the villagers and parents in collaboration with World Vision International built four more classrooms to make a total of nine and one office for teachers. The Arumeru District Council assisted by providing iron sheets for roofing two classrooms (Photo 4.)
In August 1996, there were 682 pupils (344 boys and 338 girls) from Standard I to VII and 15 teachers (3 men and 12 women), one of whom is the head teacher. Six teachers are Grade A and the remaining 9 Grade B by qualification. There are 12 streams, all of mixed ability. Standards I-V are divided into 2 class groups each, whilst VI and VII are in single groups. Average class sizes are in the region of 80, although between 15 and 20 pupils are usually absent from a class at any one time. Standards I and II are taught in shifts, stream IA and IIA in the morning, and IB and IIB in the afternoon. Of the pupils attending the school, it is estimated that about 93% come from an agricultural background.
Since the school started to present its students for the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE) in 1984, only 21 had been selected to join Form I public secondary schools by 1995, making an average of less than 2 students per year in the 12 year period. The highest progression rate occurred in 1995 when 6 out of 79 candidates were selected, thanks to the establishment of a day secondary school nearby. This sudden increase has improved the academic reputation of the school locally.
School Surroundings and infrastructure
Since 1993, the donor agency has rehabilitated the nine classrooms and the teachers' office and provided 50 desks and 10 tables for teachers' use. There are only two teachers' houses for five teachers (two families in one house separated by a wall, with two small bedrooms each) and the other one is shared by three unmarried women teachers. The first house was built by villagers and parents while the second one was built in collaboration between the villagers and the donor agency. There is very little land, since the plot on which the school is built was donated by a local farmer. Apart from the school buildings, there is a football pitch, but no school garden.
The absence of teaching aids is the source of greatest concern amongst teachers and pupils alike. Classroom walls are completely bare, even though there are lockable doors on all rooms. Some teachers have made their own materials, for example a map of Tanzania, and the parts of a maize plant, embroidered onto pieces of cloth. These materials are durable and cheap in terms of materials, but had obviously taken some considerable time and ingenuity to make. Teachers acknowledged that they could make other materials if paper, pens, magic markers and coloured chalk were available, but due to lack of money this was not possible. Some teachers do bring in materials locally available, or ask pupils to provide them. One teacher had obtained frogs for dissection in science, arid rats had also been used to demonstrate the effect of an absence of oxygen.
Photo 4 School B and pupils' mapping activity
2.4.3 The Teachers
All teachers but one interviewed complained that they had had no in-service training or opportunities for professional development since leaving teacher training college. The head-teacher was the only exception, as he had been on two short courses in his 17 years of teaching; these were in "leadership" and "educational management". Even so, he felt that all teachers required "refreshers" on a regular basis. He stated that he tried to read about new or difficult areas of subject matter and alternative methods of teaching, but found it difficult on his own with no support. One woman teacher said that she wished to attend courses in English as she was required to teach it; these courses are only available in Arusha town. On calculating the cost for her to undertake the course (including transport and fees), she estimated that this would leave her very little money from her monthly salary for food and clothing. Several teachers mentioned that they visited other teachers in local primary and secondary schools for advice on some subject matter when they had a problem. Areas identified in which training was urgently needed were English, Science and Mathematics. The reasoning behind this was that many teachers had studied very little of these subjects in their own education, and are now expected to teach them to pupils. Training in methods of teaching and making and using simple teaching aids was also thought to be important. One teacher mentioned that she would like the educational programmes broadcast on the radio to be reinstated. Another area identified for in-service training was in methods of assessment of pupils as this was limited, currently, to monthly tests. It was pointed out that teachers had no idea about how to assess anything other than the acquisition of knowledge.
The headteacher clearly was concerned that this school should be run as efficiently as possible, and was attempting to develop his knowledge of school management techniques. The atmosphere in the staffroom was welcoming and friendly, and relations between staff and the head teacher appeared good. The problem relating to salary payment was witnessed on one of the visits to the school, however, as only 5 out of the 15 teachers were present, the rest being at the District Education Office, trying to acquire their salary payment. The suggestion that one teacher might go to collect all the salaries and bring them back was not seen as being realistic, unfortunately, as "today, not all teachers are honest".
When asked to rank the qualities of a good teacher, the groups of pupils (four males and four females) and teachers (two males and two females) had similar priorities (Table 6). A good education was seen as the most important quality of a teacher by both pupils and teachers, since without this it was thought a teacher would not be able to handle the content of the syllabus. Commitment and "love of teaching" were seen also as of great importance. Otherwise, pupils rated highly those qualities in teachers which were related directly to themselves, such as friendliness towards pupils, encouraging understanding, and getting many pupils into secondary school. Teachers on the other hand tended to prioritise those qualities with direct relevance to themselves and their work, such as good behaviour, appearance and following the syllabus.
Table 6: Ranking the Qualities of a Good Teacher (School B)
Pupils' response |
Teachers' response |
1. Good education |
1. Good education |
2. Gets many pupils into secondary school |
2. Commitment |
3. Commitment |
3. Good behaviour |
4. Love of teaching |
4. Appearance |
5. Prepares for lessons |
5. Willing to learn from others |
6. Friendly to pupils |
6. Follows syllabus |
7. Helps children understand |
7. Prepares for lessons |
8. Good behaviour |
8. Helps children understand |
9. Gives examples |
9. Can use and make teaching aids |
10. Strictness and discipline |
10. Gives examples |
11. Willing to learn from others |
11. Love of teaching |
12. Gives feedback |
12. Attends classes |
13. Follows syllabus |
13. Is active in classroom |
14. Flexibility |
14. Gets many pupils into secondary school |
15. Can use and make teaching aids |
15. Friendly to pupils |
16. Attends classes |
16. Encourages interest |
17. Encourages interest |
17. Flexibility |
18. Is active in classroom |
18. Gender |
19. Appearance |
19. Strictness and discipline |
20. Gender |
20. Gives feedback |
During interviews, pupils noted the need for a teacher to help pupils understand during lessons, and that teachers should be fair-minded, give feedback and attend classes regularly. Several pupils thought that a good teacher should beat a student in order to correct mistakes, and judging by the constant sound of beating throughout the day, teachers thought this necessary also, even though this received a very low ranking by pupils and teachers as a means of helping pupils learn. Other pupils cited being beaten without reason as their chief dislike of school. One teacher thought that poor teachers could be "too strict with nothing else to offer". As at School A, this highlights the differences between an ideal in the minds of pupils and teachers and the reality of the everyday situation.
2.4.4 The Learners
School B pupils were not asked to draw maps of their daily activities. Since they come from a village which bears many similar characteristics to the village of the School A case study, the assumption could be made that their non-school activities are also similar. One difference observed about school pupils at School B was the greater degree of poverty in general. Many of the children at the school have evidently suffered malnutrition, and are physically smaller than would be expected for young people of their age. A considerable number of pupils were seen to remain in the school grounds during the lunch break, unlike School A where the grounds emptied rapidly. Teachers stated that some pupils would not find any food at home at that time of the day; since there were no school meals they had no choice but to remain and play games or sit around until the afternoon session recommenced.
A group of pupils (four male and four female) were once again asked to say as a group why they thought some children go to school and others do not. Their responses are shown in Table 7. At this school, it is interesting to note that learners seem more aware of the idea that education might have an intrinsic value, rather than being purely a means to the end of obtaining a job. This may be a reflection of the learning environment of the school, and the headteacher's interest in education.
Table 7: Ranking why children do or do not go to school, School B.
Why do children go to school |
Why do some children not go to school |
1. To get education to help in life |
1. They don't know the importance of education |
2. To learn how to read and write |
2. Health problems |
3. To learn things to help the nation of tomorrow |
3. Parents cannot meet school costs |
4. To get a job |
4. Some parents do not follow progress of schooling |
5. To learn how to help our parents |
5. Girls are discouraged because of tradition |
6. To learn about current and future events - to be future leaders |
6. Afraid of being beaten by teachers |
7. To learn about science and technology |
7. Involved in petty business or mines |
|
8. They have to help their parents (look after cattle) |
|
9. Some are taking drugs |
|
10. Because their parents have passed away |
|
11. Marriage |
2.4.5 Teaching Learning Processes
The curriculum and content of learning
Teachers interviewed felt that the curriculum was very problematic. The head-teacher pointed out that, in the old curriculum still being used, there were too many subjects (13), and that this was too much for pupils to deal with; "pupils don't get any sufficient education - it's not good to put too many things in the head of a young student". Much of the content was thought to be irrelevant to the lives of young rural children, since according to the head teacher, "When they go home there are no such things there". The Science and Technology content in particular was seen to be far removed from rural life.
The situation is worsened, according to teachers, by the absence of any of the recommended teaching aids and resources, and also a shortage of textbooks. Teachers' guides, the "bibles" of primary school teachers, are not available for those courses which have a new syllabus. KiSwahili is a particular problem area, as teachers were warned sternly by inspectors that they should not refer to the old guides, which contain messages supportive of party policies now abandoned. Further, new KiSwahili terminologies are not included in the old books. Unfortunately, the new guides, supposedly available in 1993, cannot be obtained from anywhere. In some subjects, the syllabi have been received without any textbooks, and in others, some textbooks have arrived without syllabi and teachers' guides. The newly introduced subjects like Life Skills and Civics have no materials at all, so teachers are left to struggle on their own.
Teachers felt frustrated that the centrally developed curriculum was constantly changing and inadequately supported with reference materials. They rated highly the need for teachers to be consulted in curriculum development. The head teacher felt strongly that teachers should become involved in the curriculum development process, rather than the curriculum being developed solely by a team within the Tanzania Institute of Education. As he said, "We are the ones who know more deeply than themselves. We are the ones with the experience; because they have not taught for a long time they can forget something." Teachers noted instances where the curriculum failed to account for the great diversity of agro-ecological conditions throughout the country. One example was the description of seasons in the syllabus and books, which in practice vary enormously from region to region.
Teachers felt strongly that they were overloaded, having to teach from morning until the end of the school day with very little time for preparation. Lessons divided into 40 minute periods clearly did not allow sufficient time for the content to be dealt with in detail. Also there were neither books for schemes of work nor formats for lesson plans, which discouraged teachers from adopting an organised approach to their work.
What takes place in the classroom
Teaching practice, at school B, involves much teacher talking and writing on the board, plus considerable use of singing and chanting by pupils. In a Standard III English class observed, the entire lesson revolved around the teacher making a statement, based on an object or objects held up, which was repeated in unison by the pupils. When the statement was changed or became more difficult it was noticeable that only a few pupils were sure enough of what was being said to repeat it perfectly; others mumbled, clearly listening to those who were calling out loudly. On repetition, the entire class could soon recite the sentence perfectly. This process sometimes led to confusion, as follows:
Teacher (holding up a book): This is a book
Pupils: This is a book
Teacher (holding up three books): These are books
Pupils: These are books
Teacher: How many books are there?
Pupils: How many books are there?
Teacher: No no no, count! How many books are there? One, two, three!
Pupils (very hesitantly): There are three books.
Another example from the same lesson:
Teacher (holding up a spoon): Is this a spoon?
Pupils (fading rapidly): Is this a.....
Teacher: No, no. Is this a spoon?
Pupils (some): These are spoon
Teacher; Is this a spoon?......moja, moja!! (one, one!)
Pupils (some, hesitantly): This is a spoon
Teacher: This is a spoon!
Pupils (all, loudly): This is a spoon!
Ultimately all the pupils did repeat the sentences correctly. It was unclear, however, whether they had learned the meaning of the sentence, or whether their skill lay in expert mimicry. In a Standard V English lesson observed (Photo 5), pupils obviously had a greater understanding of what they were reading, although in a class of 65 there was one book for every seven or eight pupils. As the pupils were sitting in rows, half of each group were effectively reading the book upside down, but still managing to repeat in unison the short sentences read aloud by the teacher. One ramification of this strategy of chanting, along with the frequent use of singing, is the sheer noise emanating from each classroom. Since the roofspace between each classroom is not sealed, it is sometimes almost impossible to hear the teacher talking if the pupils in the adjoining room are singing or chanting.
Photo 5: The Classroom - School B
In observed classes, a typical pattern of teaching was as follows:
· teacher and pupils exchange greetings
· teacher refers to the previous lesson
· pupils sing a song
· new topic is introduced
· teacher follows teacher's guide (when available) with class
· pupils sing
· teacher gives exercises to pupils
The time allocated to content rarely exceeded 20 minutes. In addition to the above activities, teachers regularly beat students. Beating a class of 65 would in itself take up at least 5 minutes of the lesson time. Teachers noted also that they found it difficult to use group work because of the lack of time available for teaching each subject and the overcrowded conditions.
"Tuition" is being used as a means of boosting the chances of those pupils whose parents can afford it. Four teachers are involved, and these were chosen by the head teacher on the basis of their ability to deal with difficult subjects such as Mathematics. It was explained that "tuition", offered three evenings per week, was different to normal teaching as groups were small (around 5-15 per group) and much more time was spent on doing exercises. The cost was Tsh500 per month, and for this reason was unpopular with most teachers who felt that the extra effort involved was not rewarded sufficiently. The head-teacher admitted that teachers would tend to favour those pupils to whom they gave tuition in the normal teaching sessions, and this meant that those who were prepared to pay tended to reap the educational dividends in terms of progression to secondary school. He went on to say that he had tried to persuade all parents to send their children to tuition, but some parents questioned why they should be paying extra for something which the government was supposed to provide anyway. As a result, some teachers had decided to give extra teaching to a whole class for free.
Teachers' views on teaching and learning
Both teachers and pupils were asked to undertake a matrix ranking exercise, to find out how they ranked different methods used to help pupils learn. The same list of methods was provided as at School A, these having been drawn from points raised in interviews with teachers, pupils and parents at both schools. The response from the teachers (two males and two females) is shown in Table 8.
Table 8: Summary of Matrix Ranking of Ways of Helping Pupils Learn: Teachers at School B
Rank |
Method |
1 |
Pupils doing practical activities |
2 |
Teacher giving examples |
3 |
Teacher talking or reading to pupils |
4 |
Teacher asking questions |
5 |
Pupils asking questions |
6 |
Pupils singing or reciting |
7 |
Pupils writing about their own experiences |
8 |
Pupils helping each other |
9 |
Pupils talking about their own experiences |
10 |
Teacher beating pupils |
Teachers ranked "pupils doing practical activities" and "teachers giving examples" as the strategies which were most helpful to pupils' learning. Reasons given for this were that practice and doing examples contributed greatly to understanding. Teachers gave a very low ranking to beating as an effective way of helping pupils learn, even though beating was common throughout the school. Singing was seen as a useful method, and this was borne out by its regular usage, as mentioned above. Teachers did not give a high ranking to pupils writing or talking about their own experiences. Reasons for this are discussed below, under Issues.
When asked to rank the inputs which they thought would improve teaching and learning, teachers (two males and two females) highlighted training, and greater involvement in curriculum development as most important. The ranking produced was remarkably similar to that from the teachers at School A. The point made earlier about the possibility of "researcher influence" may apply here also (Table 9).
Learners' views on teaching and learning
The results from the group of pupils (four males and four females) who completed the same matrix ranking exercise as the teachers is provided at Table 10.
It is interesting to note that, although the pupils and teachers were not aware of each others' responses, the first two positions were exactly the same, "pupils doing practical activities" and "teacher giving examples". Beating was knocked off the bottom position by singing, rather surprisingly. Evidently teachers thought more highly of the use of singing than the pupils who carried out the ranking exercise. One of the pupils from a Standard VII class stated that singing was more appropriate for younger children. The volume of the chorus emanating from Standard I, II and III classrooms suggested that this was indeed true.
In interviews, pupils noted that the limited opportunity for practical activities and the heavy emphasis on theory led to them finding learning difficult in school. Learning at home, on the other hand was thought to be easier because children learned by doing, reading and writing was not involved, and there was no time limit on any activity. Learning about agriculture was thought to be quite different at home to that at school, since at home it was practical, whilst at school it was entirely theoretical, there being no school garden. Mathematics, was identified by some pupils as their favourite subject but also as the most difficult, especially due to the lack of textbooks and the many principles involved. Science and English were identified as other popular subject areas. One boy said that he liked Science because it helped him to think about developing simple machines which could be used at home, for example for cutting grass. Another said that he liked mathematics because it would enable him to understand about money and avoid being cheated. English was popular as it would allow pupils to interact with Wazungu (white people) who they might come across in Arusha. Pupils felt that what was learned at school was more important than what was learned at home because many more things could be learned, for example writing, "drawing a world map", "history from long ago" and world issues. Another important factor was that those things learned at school would be examined. Pupils attached a high degree of importance to passing examinations, as this would help them ultimately to gain a good job, and so help their parents in the future. Examples of career aspirations of pupils interviewed were to become teachers, doctors, nurses, a policeman, a member of parliament and a chief accountant. All pupils interviewed stated that they wished to continue on to secondary school, preferably a government boarding school as they would have more time for study there.
Table 9: Inputs needed to improve teaching and learning: Teachers at School B.
Rank |
Inputs |
1. |
Training for teachers (long courses) |
2. |
Consultation in curriculum development |
3. |
Seminars and workshops |
4. |
Teaching aids |
5. |
Textbooks |
6. |
Stationery (paper, books, pens) |
7. |
Furniture |
8. |
Buildings |
9. |
Smaller numbers in class |
10. |
More secondary school places |
11. |
School inspections |
12. |
Higher salaries |
13. |
Support from District Education Office |
14. |
Support from community |
15. |
Resource centres |
Table 10: Summary of Matrix Ranking: Pupils at School B
Rank |
Method |
1 |
Pupils doing practical activities |
2 |
Teacher giving examples |
3 |
Teacher asking questions |
4 |
Pupils helping each other |
5 |
Pupils asking questions |
6 |
Teacher talking or reading to pupils |
7 |
Pupils talking about their own experiences |
8 |
Pupils writing about their own experiences |
9 |
Teacher beating pupils |
10 |
Pupils singing or reciting |
2.4.6 The Home Environment
Parents interviewed stated that they thought relations between the school and community were good. They regretted that they were unable to provide more than they had, especially land, but they noted that this was in short supply for everyone. They were proud of the fact that, in the previous year, community members had contributed a million shillings; this was due to be used to construct a new office for the head-teacher and a new classroom. Although they stated that it was every parent's aspiration for their child to progress to secondary school, they knew also that there were insufficient places, nationally, and that they should be realistic about their chances. Ultimately their goal was for their children to come back "more advanced" than their farming parents, either as "Ministers", "civil servants" or at least as skilled agriculturalists who could give advice on matters of production; "most farmers are lowly educated and would like their children to go beyond what they have". Having said that, one parent also stated that he would like his children to help him become a better farmer, even if they were not farming themselves.
Parents felt that in general, teachers were doing their best for the pupils. They felt in-service training and academic advancement of teachers was vital, again in Mathematics and Languages, but also in Agriculture. With regard to school pupils, one parent stated that children who attended school tended to be more respectful and cheerful than those who did not. Even so, it was said that, in the minds of many parents, a child who failed to progress to secondary school might as well have had no education at all. This was because parents felt that primary schooling did not equip school leavers for life and work, and that 7 years of schooling was insufficient. There was some debate about this, however, during the group interview. One parent stated that "those who come home after 7 years are sometimes more dumb than those who never went to school". Another thought that some education would be bound to enlighten a child to some degree. There was general agreement that children should go to secondary school if at all possible, either by selection to a government school, or by paying privately. It seems that wealth of parents will frequently be the deciding factor in the educational life of a child.
The parents interviewed were members of the school committee and said that they took a personal interest in their children's education and the education of the village children in general. They pointed out that this positive attitude was not universal, however, and that many parents who had never attended schooling themselves showed little inclination to support the development of the village school. Around 50% of parents had achieved Standard VII schooling. One parent stated that, for children to gain the most from schooling, it was necessary for them to know that they had their parents' support. According to the parents, young children in Standard III or below frequently talked about school when they came home, but older children became more reluctant unless they had performed particularly well. This inclination to talk about school depended also on the relationship between the parents and child, and whether parents asked their children questions or asked to look at their exercise books. One parent stated that he welcomed constructive questions from his children, but these should be "within the bounds of the parents' expectations". It was thought that most parents in the village would not want their children to be too inquisitive, nor to talk openly about home life in school as this was confidential.
Pupils interviewed described ways in which they applied what they had learned at school in the home environment. Examples given related to cooking techniques, AIDS awareness ("not sharing toothbrushes and razors"), having a balanced diet and crop planting techniques. They stated also that the respect for elders learned at home was helpful to them at school. One boy mentioned that he had been taught to draw the map of Tanzania by his brother before he started school, and duly demonstrated his ability to reproduce it. The comment was made also by pupils that parents usually did take an interest in their work, and would often ask to see their school books. It seemed not to matter whether the parent was literate or not as "even a parent who has not been to school can recognise a tick or a cross". In general it was thought that fathers were more interested in their children's work than mothers, perhaps because many more mothers had not attended school.
2.4.7 Contextualising Teaching and Learning
Teachers at School B said that they did try to relate teaching and learning to the pupils' experience, but were limited by their own knowledge of how to do this, the constraints of the syllabus and teachers' guides, the large class numbers and the lack of time available. Teachers gave examples of areas of the curriculum which could be linked to pupils' experience in the English syllabus; sections on "the farm", and "soil", for example. In KiSwahili, parts of the syllabus cross reference with Civics (although there are political implications here) and Agriculture, such as marketing of crops and beekeeping. The topic of "time" appears in both the mathematics and English syllabi.
One teacher was observed to encourage his pupils to become involved actively in an English lesson in which the topic was road safety. This involved the pupils learning the difference in right and left, and the rules for crossing the road. In order to demonstrate this, the teacher, recently qualified and obviously enthusiastic, took the class outside to parade around, and to imagine that they were crossing the road. All instructions were given in English, and the pupils appeared to enjoy the practical activity. The teacher explained that the previous lesson was based on the preparation of breakfast, and pupils had made tea for themselves.
Other teachers said that they routinely brought in objects or asked pupils to bring in items which would then form the basis for a lesson. Examples were given of oranges divided into segments for Mathematics and different foodstuffs for Domestic Science. Pupils were also asked to describe how their mothers cooked the family food, with an aim to inform pupils (especially girls) about ways in which the cooking could be adapted to avoid loss of nutrients. In particular, pupils were encouraged to tell their mothers to wash food before cooking it, so that the water in which it was cooked could be used as a stock base rather than being thrown away. One teacher said that she had visited some of her pupils to find out if this was happening, and, apparently, mothers were taking up the advice. Several girls also cited this example, and clearly had given a good deal of attention to it, possibly because, according to them, it was the only practical activity they had carried out in the subject. Another teacher described how in English lessons she would refer to household or other familiar items when introducing new vocabulary. Other examples mentioned by pupils were talking about what they did in the morning from when they got up, or bringing in clothes for washing. They thought that such activities were good because they were familiar to everyone and "everyone can see it".
Teachers interviewed stated that they thought pupils enjoyed lessons which involved something with which they were familiar, and their motivation increased as "the subject becomes more lively". They noted too that pupils who could see a link between the home and school environments appeared to understand better, would tend to experiment on their own and remember what had been learned for a longer period. This was said to be indicated by improved test scores at the end of each month. Pupils were not asked to describe their home life, however, either verbally or in a written form, because it was felt that this could be intrusive and discriminatory towards those who came from the poorest families. As noted above, in the matrix ranking exercise, both pupils and teachers gave a low priority to pupils talking or writing about their own experiences as a means of encouraging learning. When questioned, pupils seemed unsure whether this was really "learning". Teachers said that they were more concerned about the risk factor, since pupils might "talk about anything", including things they do which are bad. Smoking was cited as an example of a bad activity. When asked if pupils talking about "good" or socially acceptable activities could form a basis for effective learning, teachers were more enthusiastic, but still were worried about how to control what they felt was a potentially dangerous situation. They thought that in-service training could help them to refresh and develop new skills in this area, since they acknowledged that their tutors in pre-service training courses encouraged them to use this practice, but faced with the realities of primary schooling in a rural area, most teachers lapsed into traditional methods. Although the head-teacher felt that integrating pupils' experience into the learning process was particularly suitable for younger children, he noted that the pressure to use chalk and talk increased towards Standards V, VI and VII. As the threat of examinations becomes imminent, teachers said they felt that it is necessary to hammer the content home as much as possible.
Parents interviewed thought that linking school and home must be a good idea in principle, saying that they were interested in the idea and how teachers might manage to do this.
2.4.8 Using agriculture as a means of contextualising teaching and learning
With regard to agriculture being used as a source of familiar material, some teachers interviewed felt that their knowledge of local agriculture was insufficient. This problem was heightened by the fact that there was no Agriculture teacher in the school who could act as a resource base for other teachers. The presence of such a resource person was thought to be very desirable, particularly as it is very common for teachers to help each other when faced with academic problems. The head teacher thought that agriculture was a very good medium to use in a range of subject areas, for "They (pupils) live with those things, coffee, cows; they have already got a picture in their brain".
One teacher stated that he had used an agricultural theme to teach an English lesson. This was actually a topic included in the teachers' guide, entitled "A visit to a farm", for which the teacher intended to take the class on a visit. The content of each topic was given in the textbook, but the teacher was developing strategies himself which moved away from the chalk-talk-chant approach. As he said, "My teaching aids are outside". He illustrated this with the example of teaching the English word "bunch"; pupils had difficulty grasping the meaning of this until they were taken outside and shown a bunch of bananas on a nearby tree. According to the teacher, "it makes a picture and the pupils understand". Parents also said that they thought that agriculture was a good way of linking school and home learning, since they liked their children to practice at home what they had learned at school.
2.4.9 Issues Arising from School B Case Study
It was ironic that School B was selected as the "average" school rather than the "innovative" school for the Tanzanian case study, since in terms of the focus of this research, there is evidence that contextualisation of learning is actually being practised by some teachers at School B. Abstract concepts are sometimes based on the experience of learners, and use is made of the local agricultural environment for the teaching of non-agricultural subjects. Also, a more immediate understanding of the concept of contextualising learning seemed to be reached by teachers, pupils and parents. This could, partly, have been due to the researchers becoming more skilled at explaining the concept, but the fact that some teachers were using consciously the local environment and pupils' experience as a resource for learning must have been an enabling factor. This does raise an important point, that many teachers need help to recognise which of their daily practices are valuable in improving the effectiveness of teaching and learning. The lack of support and guidance meant that this rarely happens at School B. It was pleasing to discover during the final visit that the staff of the school felt that they had learned something themselves from the research process, and were viewing it as an unexpected and unusual form of inservice training. A demand was expressed very strongly for further training and professional support which would enable teachers to develop their capacity to contextualise learning.
A particularly important factor observed at School B was the collegial atmosphere amongst teachers. The welcome in the cramped staffroom from all teachers was extremely warm; teachers appeared to involve their pupils more actively in classes, and tea and lunch breaks with the researchers became small, cheerful parties. Even the interest from onlooking pupils during the data collection sessions became almost overwhelming. The head-teacher had attended two inservice training courses relating to management issues, and even though this is very little in a 17 year career, lessons appeared to have been learned. He continues to read about educational issues by obtaining various literature, although this is difficult, and a willingness to reflect on his practice does appear to be paying off. As a result, teachers may feel more comfortable and supported, and hence more prepared to adopt alternative approaches to teaching and learning. As mentioned earlier, there seemed within the school to be a commitment to education as a good in itself, as well as a means to an end, from teachers, parents and pupils. The creation of such an atmosphere is clearly important for the introduction of innovative practice.
Still, certain problems remained to be overcome. Books, pictures and other resources are still conspicuous by their absence from classrooms. Teachers are concerned about the risk of encouraging pupils to take more than a minimal degree of control over their own learning. Pupils feel also that teacher-knowledge equals learning, and do not seem to recognise that their own experience is both useful and valid. Parents are concerned about the potential breaking of boundaries between the home and school environment but, encouragingly, acknowledge the potential benefits of building closer links between school and the local community as a whole. It is clear from this case study that the development of these links should encourage the contextualisation of learning, since a greater knowledge and understanding of school and community life would be shared. In turn, using experiences familiar to the lives of learners, notably agriculture, should enhance the development of these links. A reciprocal relationship emerges, therefore, between the development of contextualised learning and improved school-community links.
The warmth and determination displayed by teachers at School B was impressive, and indicated a desire to provide the best possible education for their pupils under conditions made difficult by disorganised bureaucracy and local poverty. Teachers, pupils and parents alike have high aspirations for the future of themselves and of others, but frequently noted was the awareness that the problems being faced by villagers were national and overwhelming. It appears that the local community is doing much to support its primary school, and the desire was expressed by many of those interviewed that teachers should be given the opportunity to overcome at least some of the obstacles through the provision of support and professional development programmes wherever possible.
The findings of this research indicate that, in Tanzania, a very large gap exists between the plans made by centralised curriculum developers and educational policy makers on one hand and the reality of daily life in schools on the other. Problems exist in both urban and rural schools, some of which are very similar, such as dilapidated buildings and a lack of equipment, and others which are more area-specific. Urban schools tend to have much larger class sizes, of up to 150 pupils. Rural schools still suffer from large class sizes, but not to the same degree. On the other hand, rural schools suffer because their development depends largely on parental contributions, which in turn depends on parental perceptions of the value of education; many rural people have very little cash income and are becoming more reluctant to spend it on education which seems to be failing their children and themselves. This is because the goal of many parents is for their children to give them economic support in future years. This is less likely to happen if their children do not gain a place in secondary school, are unable to find employment, or lack the skills and knowledge which would enable them to set up business on their own. Hence the anticipated rates of return are much less, and the investment dries up from the grassroots. Teachers also are becoming demotivated as their salaries remain low and are difficult to obtain, especially in rural areas where transport is lacking or extremely expensive. Schools in rural areas also lack access to information, there being few radios or newspapers available, and even fewer visits from schools inspectors who have no transport to reach the remoter schools.
Many of the teachers who contributed their views in this research are disillusioned with their working conditions and the lack of opportunity for professional development. Constant curriculum changes, an inflexible examination system, few secondary school places and an over-reliance on books and materials which cannot be obtained are strangling the process of teaching and learning. Teachers resort frequently to physical punishment. Teachers' salaries are insufficient for normal living expenses. In order to ameliorate this situation, headteachers may try to reward their staff in some way, perhaps by giving them small presents occasionally, funded by proceeds from the school shamba, but this is impossible where a school has no land or opportunities for income generation. As a result, teachers "cannot afford life", as one head-teacher put it, and look for other opportunities for income generation to the disadvantage of their pupils. For all these problems, some teachers are committed to their profession and "love teaching", saying that they would like to continue their careers as teachers. Many teachers interviewed, including some of those who are frustrated with their lot, mentioned that teaching is an important way of serving the community and of helping others.
A particularly worrying issue is the evidence for a link between parental income and educational progression of school children. Those who can afford it will pay for extra tuition for their children. If their children fail to gain a place in government secondary schools, they may pay for a place in a private school. The rate at which private schools, and even community-built day-secondary schools are increasing is worrying in itself, as the pool of experienced secondary school teachers is becoming more and more thinly spread. Thus the quality of teaching may be threatened at this level also. There is even the suggestion that teachers may deliberately underteach during normal lesson time to ensure that enough pupils will demand that their parents pay for "tuition". The quality of "tuition" itself is also suspect in some cases. According to one respondent, teachers advertise themselves as "good" teachers by dressing well and appearing confident in order to impress parents. "When they see us with good clothing, they think we are good teachers".
Contextualisation as a means of improving learning is close to Nyerere's original concept underlying "education for self-reliance". Teachers like the idea of it, as long as they feel in control of the situation to some degree, and are encouraged to adopt it as a strategy during their pre-service training programmes. The benefit of having a "picture in the mind" when learning was mentioned on several occasions. Parents appreciate the idea of linking schooling to the home environment, as long as intimate details and confidentialities are not betrayed. Pupils describe the learning process at home as easier than at school because there is the absence of pressure from time, and because they are not called upon to deal with complex abstract concepts. If these preconditions for effective learning could be incorporated partly into school learning, the level of achievement might be improved; many respondents cited overloading of teachers and pupils resulting in exhaustion and boredom and the complexity and irrelevance of the curriculum as major obstacles to learning and performance. The obstacles are sometimes increased by schools inspectors, who, on their rare visits to schools, are likely to be focusing on achievement of educational objectives through transmission of content rather than through an integrated learning process. Teachers may even be reprimanded for attempting to use innovative teaching methods which stray from the rigid structure of the teacher's guide.
There is certainly potential for agriculture to be used as a means of contextualising learning in rural Tanzanian primary schools where it is common that more than 95% of pupils come from an agricultural background. An important point arising from this country study, however, is that agriculture varies tremendously from region to region, and even from village to village. The income of farmers may also vary considerably, as does the level of their education. There are implications here for the strategies a teacher must adopt in order to relate a child's agricultural experience to the content of the curriculum, since it is essential to take into account this diversity of experience as well as to be sensitive to the nature of the child's home environment, be it financially and educationally supportive or quite the opposite.
It is important to note that a gulf between community and school priorities will have a deleterious effect on the effectiveness of teaching and learning practices. As stated by the District Academic Officer, "if authority at school is with the teachers and at home is with the parents, the pupils are caught in the middle". It is necessary to enable parents and teachers to work more closely together, in order to create a healthy climate in school. Appropriate teaching and learning strategies which link the home and school environments may help to bridge this gulf but in order to do this, teachers require training and support, and pupils and parents require information and reassurance that those aspects of their culture which they value are not threatened.
This study adds strong support to the idea that professional development of teachers is seen as a key to improving pupils' learning. Parents want to see the teachers of their children equipped to perform to their full capacity. Pupils expect teachers to be able to deliver the goods, enabling their children to progress to secondary school. Teachers rank training and support as the most important inputs they need. Policy makers want to see the teachers in their region receive training in order to motivate them and enable them to be more effective. Developments are taking place in other regions and districts to try to address this, such as the creation of teachers resource centres (funded by Dutch and Danish aid programmes), and the development of locally relevant curricula (funded by German aid programmes). Interventions such as these in the District where the research was carried out would be of great value to everyone involved in teaching and learning.