6. The culture of schooling: Life experiences of schools, teachers and pupils

6.1 Introduction
6.2 Background and context
6.3 The life of the school
6.4 The life of the teacher
6.5 The life of the child
6.6 The culture of the school: Voices of experience

In particular he [Professor Robin Alexander] criticised the 'conceptionally untenable 'failure to see cultural factors as intertwined with teaching methods. "Life in schools and classrooms is an aspect of our wider society, not separate from it: a culture does not stop at the school gates. The strengths of our primary schools are the strengths of our society; their weaknesses are our society's; their tensions mirror and illustrate the fractured and unstable nature of British culture in the late 20th Century".

Nicholas Pyke
Times Educational Supplement
Times Newspapers, London, 21/6/96

"Primary education in Africa is in crisis"

Ward Heneveld

"Planning and Monitoring of the Quality of Primary Education in Sub-Saharan Africa"

AFTHR Technical Note 14
World Bank, March, 1994.

6.1 Introduction

In March 1994, the Ghanaian Minister of Education, the Honourable Harry Sawyer gave the opening address at a one-day National Forum on, "Basic education to the year 2000". Standing before teachers, headteachers, circuit and district supervisors, Ministry of Education officials, and donor representatives, the Minister established the purpose of the forum:

"Since 1988 we have been able to reorganise the financing and rehabilitate the infrastructure of the education system. But today we see that this is not enough. In spite of the excellent work that has been started, pupils are not learning what is expected. The great majority of primary-6 pupils are functionally illiterate in English and Mathematics. Without functional literacy, pupils won't gain comprehension and skills in other subjects, they won't be prepared for further education, nor will they be prepared for the world of work. How can we justify continuing expenditures on expanding a system that doesn't lead to learning? Reaching a target of universal participation in primary schooling is not a sensible goal unless the participation leads to learning and skills. To examine strategies for providing basic education, to revitalise the teaching and learning in the schools - that is the focus of our policies, and of this forum".

Those gathered on that hot day in Accra had set themselves a difficult task: apart from the criterion-referenced test referred to earlier, which in 1992 only 1.1% of children answered more than 55% of the items in mathematics and only 2% answered more than 60% in English; examination results at senior secondary level in 1993 sent a shock wave through the educational establishment. Of 42,105 students who took the Senior Secondary School (SSS) certificate examination in 1993, 3.9% passed in nine subjects and 12.9% passed in seven or more subjects. Only 1,354 of the total 42,105 candidates qualified to enter university (Fobih D.K. 1995). Though university entry requirements are not necessarily the best indicator of quality of an education system they do confirm the low standard of attainment of those passing through the nation's schools.

Much has been written on reasons for this malaise and even more, mostly in the form of Government reports and donor appraisal studies, on ways to improve the system. It is not the intention of this section to reprise the problems and run through intended reforms but rather to examine the culture of schooling and the way that culture - which is a reflection of social norms and values - frames the problems, policies and possibilities for educational betterment.

In Section two we suggested that it was possible to view schools on three levels: the transrational (where values are conceived as metaphysical based on beliefs, ethical codes and moral insights); the rational (where values are grounded within a social context of norms, customs, expectations and standards); and the subrational (where values are experienced as personal preferences and feelings). We went on to say that values and norms are not only manifest at these three levels but at the individual, group and organisational level also.

With a particular focus on the rational level i.e. an understanding of values as expressed through curriculum objectives, norms, rules, daily practices etc., we hope to be able to show the culture of schooling is far from 'neutral' but rather determines much of what is wrong and equally indicates where the solutions are to be found.

6.2 Background and context

Given that we are concerned with the lives of Ghanaian teachers and pupils, it would seem useful to divide background information into three areas: The institutional life of the school, the life of the teacher and the life of the child. In the world of the first we can include references to the systematic factors that shape the nature of schools and the policies to reform them..

6.3 The life of the school

In 1963 the anthropologist David Brokensha described the schools situated in the town of Larteh, in the hills north of Accra:

"The buildings range from the modem, airy, well-constructed Local Council Girls Middle School to others which are made of 'swish', sometimes with leaking roofs and overcrowded classrooms, with three children squeezed on a bench meant for two. Generally the standard is fair, for financial grants are conditional on adequate buildings. The personality and competence of the headmaster or headmistress are reflected in the state of the building and of the grounds, for all schools have available in the pupils a supply of free labour, and it usually requires efforts, organisation, and enthusiasm rather than funds to keep the school buildings and grounds in a pleasing state. Some schools, such as the Methodist Primary, have rather cramped accommodation with no space for recreation, but others are well laid out with ample room for fairly level sports fields and other recreational and agricultural facilities".

Brokensha, D.
Social Change at Larteh, Ghana
1966, Oxford Clarendon Press pp 239-240

Thirty three years on it is instructive to contrast his picture with that of Richard Kraft's team who surveyed a range of schools in June, 1995 for the USAID.

"Teachers, headteachers and community members are unanimous in their placing buildings, furniture, toilets and other infrastructure issues as the top priority. To state that the infrastructure of schooling is in desperate need is to understate the problem. Half of the schools visited, not only has an inadequate building they had no building whatsoever. In the "Photo Essay" accompanying this report, we have shown mud, tin, grass, fern, tree, and thatched schools, in addition to more conventional block, wood and brick buildings. Furniture was all but non-existent in many rural schools, and if the children wanted to sit on other than rock, they had to bring their own furniture from home. We observed hundreds of children, many of whom had no breakfast, go six hours without a drop of water and nothing to eat. The bushes and trees surrounding many "schools" were a significantly cleaner environment than the disastrous toilets and urinals we photographed. Only in the best private school visited, was there any evidence of meaningful physical activities, sports, playgrounds, music or art. With the exception of a large dirt or grass area, occasionally with a goal or basket, most rural schools have no recreational facilities. Other than the strangely out of place "western " drum, schools were devoid of musical instruments. In the heat of the midday, children started to sleep and lose interest, to the extent that many headteachers just closed school at noon. Some thirty years ago, psychologist Abraham Maslow wrote of the hierarchy of needs, suggesting that until our basic needs, such as food, water and shelter, are met, we have a difficult time concentrating on higher needs. We unanimously concur that it is all but impossible for a hungry, thirsty, tired, hot, ill child to learn. When teachers lack even a chair or table, to say nothing of such "luxuries" as a book shelf or locked cabinet, it is safe to say that the teacher's basic needs have not yet been met, and until they are, it is unlikely that they will have the time or energy to become like the minority of creative, talented teachers who grace so many school settings in Ghana. These outstanding teachers somehow overcome extreme deprivation, but the less superhuman, need their basic needs met if they are to succeed".

Figure Q:

Esseukyr Primary School, Winneba, Ghana

Pomadze - Asebu Primary School, near Winneba, Ghana

Zion Primary School, Winneba, Ghana (Photo 1)

Zion Primary School, Winneba, Ghana (Photo 2)

Gyahadze Primary School, near Winneba, Ghana (Photo 1)

Gyahadze Primary School, near Winneba, Ghana (Photo 2)

Recently some efforts have been made to build houses for headteachers at some remote primary schools, though this policy has come under criticism by the village communities. Why pay 7 million cedis they would argue to house one person when pupils and teachers must survive in dangerous classroom sheds open to the vagaries of weather? (Fobih, D. 1995)

Of particular concern to parents, educationists and aid personnel are the poor learning outcomes and limited instructional time offered to students.

We have already made reference to the poor performance of pupils at the 1992 and 1993 Criterion-Referenced Testing Programme. Three other studies provide additional statistical evidence:

a) The Ghana Living Standards Survey

This study indicates that in 1988/89 i.e. at the beginning of the Ghana Government's education reforms, pupils in p6 could not read and were barely literate. The GLSS found that only 32.5% of the population above 8 years of age were literate.

b) The Avotri Study

This piece of research was undertaken in 1991/92 of over 1,000 pupils studying social science subjects - 700 following the old curriculum and 475 in the new JSS. The major conclusion was that students following the old curriculum fared significantly better than those following the new curriculum.

c) Centre for Research on Improving the Quality of Primary Education in Ghana (CRIQPEG) research into the acquisition of English Language Skills amongst selected Ghanaian primary school children.

CRIQPEG have assessed reading, writing and oral abilities of more than 1,000 children in 14 schools. A major finding is that most children could answer questions and follow instructions but could not respond orally in English. In reading pupils could not read more than a third of the words presented to them. In writing less than half of the pupils were able to write 15 or more words. Causes seemed to be a lack of encouragement to speak English outside the classroom, lack of English reading materials at home, a fear by teachers and pupils of "damaging" books, and little exposure to print. (Conference presentation, October 1995, University of Cape Coast, Ghana).

Lack of instructional time seems to be a major problem. If we compare Ghana to a selected number of other countries we can see that significantly less time is spent by children at school.

Figure R - Length of School year in hours/year in selected countries (World Bank, 1993)

Country	1st year	6th year
Benin	1080	1080
Burkina Faso	1290	1290
Cameroon	1024	1024
Congo	900	900
Ethiopia	1230	1230
Ghana	800	800
Nigeria A	1128	1128
Nigeria B	666	666
Japan	1440	1440
USA	1080	1080

Source: Kraft, R. et al 1995 p 15

If we now look at measures to assess the proportion of that time devoted to 'academic learning time' we can see that, at most, Ghanaian children are spending only a quarter of a short day learning anything. Given the lack of electricity in most schools and year round high humidity levels there is a case to be made for either reducing the time spent in school i.e. focusing attention on the early hours of the day or continuing with the present arrangement but endeavouring to increase academic learning time as a proportion of the whole.

Figure S - Use of Time in Schools

Estimated Use of Time in a School Day and Year	Hour(s) per Day	Year
Academic Learning Time	0.6 - 1.5	108 - 270
Engaged Time	1.5 - 3.5	270 - 430
Instructional Time	2-4	360 - 720
Allocated Time	4.75	855
Attendance Time	5.4 - 6.0	970
Total Available Time	6.0	1080

Source: Kraft, R. et al 1995 p 16

If much of what has been described so far frames the quality of education delivered to Ghanaian pupils, there is still one issue that seems to make a significant difference: the way in which teachers teach. Teaching methodology, as an issue in raising education quality, is surprisingly often disregarded by teachers and those working in the Aid sector.

In the teacher motivation study (GES/UNICEF op. cit.) and Kraft, R. (op. cit.) study referred to earlier, 'recognition as a good teacher' and 'better teaching/teachers' were accorded 25% and 11% respectively as priorities for motivating teachers or improving school quality.

Another study (Asare-Bediako et al, 1995) draws on a sample of 30 schools to discover the nature of in-service training for Ghanaian teachers. It reveals an interesting picture: it is mostly in the subject areas such as Mathematics, English and Life Skills rather than teaching methodology that support is given. This is further confirmed in the way various in-service bodies such as the Ministry of Education's Curriculum, Research and Development Division (CRDD) are organised with members recruited because of expertise in a subject area rather than skills in improving teaching methodology.

Figure T - Number of Schools where teachers received in-service training in these subjects, out of a sample of 30 schools from all the survey districts

Subject	No. of Schools
Teaching Methodology	2
Orientation for New Teachers	1
Record-keeping	1
Reading skills in English & Ghanaian Languages	1
Mathematics	18
English	16
Life Skills	9
Science	7
Agricultural Science	5
Social Studies	4
Vocational Skills	4
Ghanaian Language
Cultural Studies
Technical Skills
Teaching of Arabic

Source: Asare-Bediako, N. et al Quality Assurance and School Level Management: A review of the Management System for Basic Education in Ghana. USAID June 1995.

Further evidence is provided too by our involvement in the development of an innovative B.Ed for Basic Education through distance learning at the University College of Education at Winneba. In spite of moves to integrate subjects more at primary level and to focus on methodology rather than content, students enrolled for the degree will opt for subject areas of study, much of the material being developed is also very academic in nature with little attention paid to the learning child and his or her environment. When questioned about this colleagues expressed the view that teachers were traditionally trained for any level and still needed to be specialists in particular disciplines. Though knowledge of how teachers teach is generally scanty some evidence exists from the developing world showing that it is possible for teachers to change classroom culture particularly with regard to methodology. Case studies in Levin and Lockhead's (1993) collection Effective Schools in Developing Countries show how change can be initiated in conditions of stringency. The CIEP (Integrated Centres of Public Education) of Brazil, for example, were actually designed for 'economically disadvantaged' students. They were characterised by a classroom pedagogy which stressed dialogue and debate; a collegial method akin to Freirean educational philosophy and an attempt to heighten community participation (Davies 1995).

The average Ghanaian classroom is very different with many of the core cultural values described in chapter three translating into how the teacher behaves and how he or she expects the children to learn.

Very little research evidence exists with regard to pedagogical strategies in Ghanaian schools though it is clear from the Kraft, (1995) study that a great deal of the time is spent by the teacher in chalk 'n' talk with little priority given to pupil discussion, evaluation or group work. It is also clear from the research that the Government policy on using a Ghanaian language as medium of instruction for the first three years of schooling is being overrided in favour of using English and that a gender bias exists in the way the teachers interact with boys and girls in their charge.

Figure U - Analysis of Ghanaian Teacher Behaviour

Classes Observed:	p1=13, p2=5, 03=10, p4=13, p5=5, p6=17, JSS1-1=10
Minutes of Class Observed:	4385 minutes, 73 minute average observation
Subjects Observed:	Reading = 6, Writing = 12, Speaking = 4, Science = 8, Mathematics = 19, Physical ed. = 0, Social Studies = 6, Agriculture = 0, Cultural Studies = 2, Life Skills = 5, Ghanaian Languages = 5, Technical Subjects = 2
Classroom Activities:	Teacher Presentations = 49, Recitation by pupils = 30, Discussion by full class = 7, Individual Student Work = 19, Group Work = 4, Evaluation/Testing = 4, Chalkboard by Teacher or Student = 21
Language Used in Class:	English = 35, Ghanaian Language = 8, Both Languages = 17
Questioning of Males/Females:	Majority of Questions to Males = 25, to Females = 15, Even or not observed = 20
At-Task Behaviour:	76% of Time

Source: Kraft, R. et al (1995)

In September 1995, the Government of Ghana launched its farsighted and eagerly awaited programme for the development of Basic Education. Within a framework of Free Compulsory Universal Basic education (FCUBE) the Government pledged itself to reform education by the year 2005. Specifically it intends to remedy four areas of weakness:

1) Access to basic education services must be expanded for all school-age children, but especially for girls and citizens living in disadvantaged areas and who, for social and economic reasons have not yet sufficiently partaken in the educational process. The Ministry has established a target of equalising gender balance in the number of entrants to Basic Standard (BS) -1 by the year 2000 and to equalising BS-6 completion and BS-7 entry by the year 2005. The Government of Ghana is committed to universalising entry into BS-1 by the year 2000 and to achieving an overall 93 percent completion rate at the BS-6 level by the year 2005. If successful at the lower level, the number of entrants into BS-7 is expected also to reach 92% by the year 2005 and an 87% completion rate attained for BS-9 in the same year.

2) Efficiency of the education system must be improved along several dimensions if the objectives of FCUBE are to be met. Repetition and dropout rates must be reduced substantially and targets of 1 percent reductions annually at each grade level have been established. In combination with the access objectives, accomplishment of these targets should realise near universal Basic Education by the year 2005 with priority emphasis given to girls and historically disadvantaged groups.

3) Quality is a necessary complement of improved access to Basic education services. Changes that have been proposed to improve the quality of the teaching-learning process are expected to increase the pass rate for admission into Secondary Cycle institutions to 80 percent by 2005. By the same year, 75 percent of BS pupils will meet minimum standards of performance on national criterion referenced tests.

4) Relevancy of Basic Education will be increased through quality improvements in the curriculum and by strengthening community participation in the oversight of local schools. Curriculum reform will enhance the relevancy of schooling to meet better the social and economic needs of communities and the country.

The Strategic plan is composed of five integrated elements which will be developed and implemented in a comprehensive but carefully sequenced fashion in the ten year period between 1996 and 2005. The elements of the Plan include: Infrastructural Development, Management Reform, Curriculum Change, Community Participation, and Improvement of Quality of Personnel who support the basic education process at all levels. The strategic framework of the FCUBE initiative including the relationship between interventions and targets is depicted in the following diagram.

Figure V: FRAMEWORK OF FCUBE INITIATIVE

To what extent these ambitious plans will achieve the stated objectives remains to be seen. Much will depend on the ability of the school as an institution to change its culture. Only then will children gain any benefit from their education.

6.4 The life of the teacher

In March 1995, the Ghana Education Service in collaboration with UNICEF published a report examining the motivation of teachers and associated conditions of service. (A Study of Teacher Motivation and Conditions of Service for Teachers in Ghana. GES/UNICEF, Accra, Ghana - March, 1995). The study reported nine major findings which frame the life of the teacher:

1) Though a significant number of young women (aged between 2 and 34) are employed at the primary end of the education cycle as one moves further up the system fewer women, e.g. 14% teaching at secondary school level, are represented. This corresponds with International evidence which shows that about half the teaching force are women at primary level, a third are to be found at secondary and 24% at the tertiary (an improvement from 17% in 1985) (King, E. & Hill, M.A., 1993). This evidence not only shows the discrimination facing an ambitious female teacher but the limitations in establishing role models of success for girls attending school.

2) School - community relations, appear to be complex. The Ghana research indicates that there exists some confusion about who is responsible for maintaining the school. With community financing of schools uncertainty seems to persist too with regard to construction, repair of buildings, and provision of learning materials. Interestingly teachers surveyed outlined a role for the community that was somewhat restricted and framed more around infrastructure, policing student attendance and/or discipline. In contrast community leaders were more creative in the ways they examined the relationship defining a broadened role that included teacher discipline, providing incentives to teachers such as financial assistance to those newly-transferred in the running of the school (GES/UNICEF, 1995, p 29). In general community leaders interviewed were more positive about the existence and effectiveness of the school - community partnership than the teachers who, in their opinion, were not doing a good job.

3) Most teachers live in rented accommodation and many of them live far from the school. Housing it seems, is a crucial factor in how a teacher feels about his or her work.

Figure W - Housing for Teacher (% of Teachers)

	All	Pri	JSS	SSS	UR	S-u	Ru	Rem
Ownership
Government	7.4	0.3	0.9	63.3	20.2	6.8	0.5	0.0
Rented	72.1	75.3	84.4	26.5	65.5	74.6	73.9	79.2
Owner Occupied	6.1	8.4	1.8	2.0	3.4	5.1	8.7	4.2
Family House	11.5	13.2	9.2	6.1	8.4	9.3	15.2	8.3
By Community	1.3	1.4	0.9	2.0	0.8	2.5	0.0	8.3
With Friends	1.6	1.4	2.8	0.0	1.7	1.7	1.6	0.0
Construction
Wall - Mud or	32.1	40.3	22.9	4.1	6.7	22.9	47.6	83,3
Stuck
Brick	21.7	21.2	29.4	8.1	13.4	34.7	20.0	12.5
Bamboo	0.4	0.7	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0	1.1	0.0
Cement	45.5	37,5	47.7	87.8	79.0	42.4	31.4	4.2
Other	0.2	0.3	0.0	0.0	0.8	0.0	0.0	0.0
Roof - Roofing Sheets	94.8	94.1	97.2	93.9	95.8	95.8	95.1	83.3
Clay	0.2	0.3	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.5	0.0
Grass	3.4	4.5	1.8	0.0	2.5	2.5	2.7	16.7
Other	1.6	1.0	0.9	6.1	1.7	1.7	1.6	0.0
Floor-Cement	88.3	87.5	95.4	77.6	85.7	94.1	89.1	66.7
Mud	8.3	11.5	3.7	0.0	4.2	4.2	10.3	33.3
Wood	0.4	0.7	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.8	0.5	0.0
Titles	2.9	0.3	0.9	22.4	10.1	0.8	0.0	0.0
Other	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0
Electricity	40.5	27.0	52.8	91.8	89.9	33.6	17.5	4.2
Water	21.2	16.8	21.9	45.8	49.6	8.9	11.2	13.0

Source: GES/UNICEF op. cit. 1995 p 9

A quick glance at the table illustrates the disadvantaged life style of the primary school teacher over those at the two higher levels. In other words if one is teaching in a remote primary school the likelihood is that accommodation will be basic mud or stick walls with no electricity or running water. It is no surprise that a majority of teachers' college graduates express a desire to teach at the Junior Secondary or Senior Secondary level.

4) Teachers expressed little knowledge of Government policies towards education with a result that many felt disempowered and marginalised. In the Ghana survey, teachers indicated that it was via a teacher union official or a circuit supervisor that news of any policies was communicated. Only 10% of teachers learnt of new developments from their headteacher.

5) Research internationally (Hawes and Stephens, 1990) illustrates the important role a headteacher can play in educational development. In Ghana a majority of headteachers (of the 88 heads interviewed 85 were men) felt they needed, a) more training, b) better office equipment and c) more resources. A number of headteachers expressed frustration at their superior's inability to act on reports of teacher indiscipline. Generally headteachers in Ghana are reasonably well qualified (93% holding the Certificate 'A' teaching qualification) and experienced - 67% of heads having 20 years or more teaching experience.

6) Availability of learning materials were generally poor. Most teachers surveyed i.e. 91% had no access to textbooks for teachers, 95% indicated that their classrooms had textbooks in them for children to use, with 50% of primary school teachers reporting no teachers' guides available for use. Syllabuses tended to be available though many teachers (almost a third interviewed) indicated that lack of appropriate textbooks and instructional materials were one of the things they most disliked about teaching.

7) Teachers were generally unhappy about the rooms in which they were required to teach. As we have seen earlier the physical condition of many primary schools leaves much to be desired and, in some cases constitutes a risk for those teaching and learning within.

8) Teachers and headteachers appear dissatisfied with their salaries and benefits; although most recognised that the Government is unable to significantly increase their salary. Of the 17 motivational items given which might improve the life of the teacher, not unsurprisingly a better salary, more teaching and learning materials, and more in-service training were ranked highest.

Figure X: MOTIVATIONAL FACTORS FOR TEACHERS (All Teachers)

Source: GES/UNICEF op. cit.

It is worthwhile comparing this data with that produced by Kraft, R. et al (June 1995).

Figure Y - Priority recommendations for School Improvement by Teacher and Headteachers

Zone %/Recommendations	South %	Central %	North %	Accra %	Total %
Total # Surveyed	49	21	30	33	133
1. Student/teacher Desks and Chairs/ Chalkboard	40 (82%)	13 (62%)	16 (53%)	17 (52%)	86 (66%)
2. Teaching/Learning Aids	28 (57%)	18 (86%)	11 (37%)	24 (73%)	81 (61%)
3. Textbooks	27 (55%)	16 (76%)	14 (47%)	17 (52%)	74 (57%)
4. Building Improvements	22 (45%)	9 (43%)	22 (73%)	15 (45%)	68 (51%)
5. Teacher and Headteacher Accommodations	17 (35%)	10 (48%)	21 (70%)	10 (30%)	58 (44%)
6. Recreation/Fields/Sports	11 (22%)	14 (67%)	16 (53%)	12 (36%)	41 (31%)
7. Library/Supp Readers	9 (18%)	4 (19%)	16 (53%)	12 (36%)	41 (31%)
8. Toilets/Urinals	9 (18%)	13 (62%)	4 (13%)	11 (33%)	37 (28%)
9. Bookshelves/cabinets	17 (35%)	12 (57%)	1 (3%)	5 (15%)	36 (27%)
10. Drinking water/bowls/cups	13 (27%)	6 (29%)	12 (40%)	4 (12%)	35 (26%)
11. Bus/Bicycles/Motocycles/Funds Teacher/St. Transport	2 (4%)	7 (33%)	18 (60%)	7 (21%)	34 (26%)
12. Class Size	8 (16%)	6 (29%)	7 (23%)	6 (18%)	27 (20%)
13. Health/Infirmary/First Aid	5	11	3	5	24 (18%)
14. Science/Math Labs/Equipment	9	6	5	3	23 (17%)
15. Electricity/Clock/Computer/La ng. Lab/AV	6	6	6	4	22 (17%)
16. PTA/Parent Involvement and Visits	10	0	2	9	21 (16%)
17. Maps/Globes/Charts	4	4	10	3	21 (16%)
18. Teacher Guides	4	1	1	14	20 (15%)
19. Technical Wkshps/Tools/Sewing/Draw.Bd s	11	0	4	6	16 (12%)
20. Better Teaching/Teachers	5	2	1	6	14 (11%)
21. Stationery/Workbooks	3	4	2	6	13 (10%)
22. Staff/Visitors Room	9	1	0	3	13 (10%)
23. Relationships Parents/Teachers/Pupils/Heads	3	2	2	4	11 (8%)
24. Canteen/Store/Food	5	0	3	3	11 (8%)
25. Secure Windows/Doors/Walls	8	1	0	2	11 (8%)
26. Curriculum Improvement	1	3	2	3	9 (7%)
27. Maintenance/Floors	6	0	0	3	9 (7%)
28. Teacher Salaries and Incentives	2	1	2	3	8 (7%)
29. Agric./Gardens/Tools	2	1	2	1	6 (5%)
30. Improved Supervision	0	0	1	4	5 (4%)
Total # Surveyed	49	21	30	33	133

Asking very much the same question as these researchers we can see that though teaching and learning aids are ranked high, better salaries and incentives and supervision are accorded different priority weightings by those interviewed.

9) Teachers appear to be reasonably happy with opportunities for staff development, though many recognised the fact that what they learn in work-shops and seminars has a marginal effect on learner achievement. In terms of workload and class size the picture from Ghana is varied. Though many of the teachers interviewed talked of large classes data indicated below, show that class size is very much an urban phenomenon. The data also revealed that at least half of the primary school teachers taught between 50-59, 30 minute periods per week. Between 15% and 25% of teachers expressed satisfaction with their workloads.

Figure Z - Average Size of Class (Teachers with class size 70 and above were excluded)

	Urban	Semi-urban	Rural	Remote	Average
Primary	44	36	26	17	31
JSS	48	40	30	11	37
SSS	49	39	-	-	45
Average	47	37	27	16	34

The research also says something about gender and the teaching profession. What is revealed is also an indicator of cultural attitudes towards men and women working within the education system.

Though a majority of male and female teachers thought there was no gender discrimination in the profession:

"a significant number of men had perceptions that were negative and stereotypical including; women came late to school, they were lazy and engaged in unhelpful conversation during school hours", (op. cit. p 30)

With the exception of four out of the 446 teachers surveyed, teachers categorically said that they would hire a man over a woman in spite of parity of qualification. Some of the reasons given were:

"Men are more resourceful, they quarrel less, are more helpful, are more energetic, have more leadership qualities, are smarter; women have mood swings, they are gossips, cause confusion because men teachers may express an interest in them", (op. cit. p 31)

Given the strong gender-based responses about women teachers, the teachers' answer to who made a better headteacher - man or woman - was a little surprising. Significantly more teachers answered that women generally did. Most thought that women were more patient, strict and less biased. Interestingly, several teachers (all men except for one woman) answered that women were more trustworthy particularly in terms of school financial matters.

6.5 The life of the child

"We need not have worried about arriving an hour late, shortly after nine am, as the Headteacher had not yet been able to make it through the mud on his prized bicycle and only three of the seven classes had a teacher present. We found some 150 children sitting quietly at their desks, waiting patiently in hope that a teacher would teach them that day".

Kraft, R. et al (1995)
A Tale of Two Ghanas: The view from the Classroom

We have already touched on the issue of attendance but it is worth looking at the question, for a moment, from the child's perspective.

Richard Kraft and his team found that though the mean class size is just under thirty children enrolments varied class by class between a range of 22 and 196 with a dramatic decline as one progresses up the school. The enrolments and pupil-teacher ratios of the Northern Region of Ghana given below illustrate the fact that the Ghanaian child's likelihood, particularly if female, of completing nine years of basic education is still slim.

Figure AA -Class Size and Number of Teachers in Four Northern Schools

District	PI	P2	P3	P4	P5	P6
Kanga 4 teachers	119 - One Teacher	23 -Teacher/HT	19 - Shared Teacher P4	15 - Shared Teacher P6	12 - Shared Teacher p6	6 - Shared Teacher P5
Natugnia 4 teachers	130 -shared Teacher p2	66 - Shared Teacher PI	53 -Teacher/HT	52 - One Teacher	48 - Shared Teacher P6	30 - Shared Teacher P5
Sakai 4 teachers	25 - One teacher	26 - One Teacher	24 - Shared Teacher P4	28 - Shared Teacher P3	14 - Shared Teacher P6	27 - Shared Teacher P5
Wa	61 - Two teachers	64 - Two teachers	62 - Two teachers	55 - Two teachers	56 - One teacher	56- One teacher

Source: Kraft, R. et al op. cit.

Enrolments of children in one of these schools is illustrative of the problem of keeping children in school.

Educational Enrolments at Primary School in Kanga P1-P6

Figure BB Source: Kraft, R. et. al. op. cit.

The picture for Winneba in the Central Region is more encouraging and highlights the variations in access and quality issues from area to area in Ghana.

Figure CC - Educational Enrolments at Primary School in Winneba P1-P6 1991-1994

	No. of Schools	P1			P2			P3			P4			P5			P6			Total
		B	G	T	B	G	T	B	G	T	B	G	T	B	G	T	B	G	T	B	G	T
1994-95	18	567	578	1145	621	576	1197	601	538	1139	541	535	1076	472	465	937	487	438	925	3289	3130	6419
1993-94	17	627	617	1244	602	541	1143	571	516	1087	534	530	1064	502	407	909	460	439	899	3296	3050	6346
1992-93	19	610	519	1129	519	471	1011	504	471	975	489	422	911	425	421	846	420	387	807	2967	2712	5679
1991-92	17	580	576	1096	479	463	587	399	463	862	424	431	855	404	422	826	370	367	737	2352	2662	5372

Source: District Education Office, Winneba, 1995

Note: Comparability of drop out has reduced from 47.69% to 33.6% and for girls from 37.5% to 18.7% Generally % increase in Enrolment from 1990-91 to date is 18.36% Girls enrolment increased 16.4%

Before leaving the issue of enrolment it is worth mentioning the problem of late enrolment and the subsequent difficulty 'older' children face particularly when they sit with younger classmates in the upper primary classes.

An analysis of one all-girls school in Winneba indicates that in one first year class eighteen out of fifty children were enrolled late; in class p6 thirty one of forty-five being older than the enrolment age.

Figure DD - Don Bosco Catholic Girls, Winneba

Class PI	Class P6
Enrolled:	Enrolled:
1979 - 2	1985 - 2
1980 - 3	1986 - 5
1981 - 7	1987 - 11*
1982 - 8	1988 - 13
1983 - 11*	1989 - 17
1984 - 3	* = year of entry for age
1985 - 2
Not known 8

Source: School enrolment via class registers, April 1996.

Children in the poor Afram Plains area of Ghana were asked about the things they liked and disliked about school. They liked to learn to read and write. They enjoyed sweeping the compound and conducting assembly and playing sporting games. They disliked caning, feeling bored and hungry, weeding (it made them tired) and carrying firewood (Fentiman, A. 1996).

The resilience of children in getting to school and then remaining there, with or without a teacher, chair or learning materials says much about the indomitability of the individual to try and make something of his or her life.

As we shall see when examining the experiences of children in school, they too are aware of what they lack and, like their teachers, are quite capable of producing realistic and imaginative ways forward.

6.6 The culture of the school: Voices of experience

6.6.1. Experiences of school life
6.6.2. Experiences of being a teacher
6.6.3 Experiences of being a schoolchild

As with the previous two Sections it is possible to cluster various experiences into a smaller set of thematic units. If we employ the broad headings used so far: school, teachers, and children it is possible to group the factors that have emerged from the interviews and observational data in the following way:

i School-related factors: the general life of the school, school-community relationships, vocational skills education, the issue of corporal punishment, school-based solutions to drop-out.

ii Teacher-related factors: the life histories of teachers, coping strategies, aspirations.

iii Child-related factors: children's value/perceptions of schooling, issue of over-age children, aspirations and coping strategies.

6.6.1. Experiences of school life

To gain an overall picture of a Ghanaian primary school it is a good idea to ask the headteacher to provide a snapshot of his or her school. The picture below illustrated with recent photographs is balanced in showing the strengths and weaknesses and corroborates the picture presented in the earlier reported Kraft, R. et al (1995) report.

"You are witness to the condition of the building - constructed in 1944, it should have been renovated or repaired. We have only 3 classrooms and an incomplete structure built through the efforts of the Chief and his elders. They have promised to complete it when they visit home during the forthcoming Christmas.

We don't have enough furniture - three pupils occupying a desk meant for two. Some pupils bring their own chairs from home - in class one all the seats including kitchen stools are brought from home by pupils.

The windows are open which makes it difficult to display apparatus in the classroom as they are removed by the next day. It has also made it possible for a mad man to sleep in the school, and he may even destroy what has been displayed. That's why the classrooms are bare. The roofs leak.

We have a school band and a set of jerseys which go to make the children happy. The pupil population is not bad at all (possibly in comparison with a nearby village school) because children have access to these facilities.

Our teachers are more regular, as testified to by our attendance book - because of that the children are also regular though it wasn't like that when I first came. The pupils were coming at anytime they liked because the teachers themselves weren't regular and the pupils imitated them. Today, for instance, I was here by 7.00 am and yesterday, I came by 6.50 am and I told those who came by 7.30 am that they were late and I had wanted to punish them. They begged me so I set them free.

By 7.00 am the compound had been cleaned and we had gone in for singing by 7.30 am today. There has been an improvement in the life of the school". (JB, Headteacher, Gyahadze primary school).

We can compare this view of one Central Region school with that, provided by one of the research team, of the Laribanga school in the Upper West, northern region of Ghana.

"The compound didn't look attractive. It seems the school has a loose atmosphere. There is not much furniture in the rooms either. Most children in this village prefer to go for Islamic studies with the 'big' malam to going for secular systems of education. Though [the school] is old, not much has been achieved because there has always been lots of drop-outs and past pupils of this school never climb very high on the educational level. To attend JSS pupils have to walk 8 kilometres for a round trip which makes 16 kilometres in all. This is probably too much for some of the girls". (Summary picture of Laribanga Primary school).

Laribanga Primary School Northern Province, Ghana

DM, a teacher at AME Zion school, Winneba remembers a terrifying incident from her childhood:

"When we were in class one, I remember we were in a wretched shed and one day it broke on us and we had to be fetched from the wreckage".

Talking with headteachers and parents it seems that many primary schools are founded, often by a religious denomination, when there are enough pupils collected together in need of an education. HB, headteacher of Esseukyr school remembers the early days of his school:

"When you want to establish a school the important thing is the pupils. When you get the pupils, the next thing is the building and classrooms. When the building is there you have your office, cupboards etc.; then your decision will come through".

Schools, as institutions, begin therefore when children are collected together, something attested to in the number of children being taught under trees and makeshift shelters whilst awaiting the "decision to come through".

Esseukyr Primary School, Near Winneba, Ghana

After the striking range of buildings in which teaching and learning occurs, the most notable characteristic of Ghanaian primary schools is the academic nature of the institution; learning is not perceived of as an 'easy' or enjoyable affair, it is a serious business and one in which those who succeed do so, not because of having been taught necessarily well, but because they possess innate abilities and have therefore adjusted easily to the prevailing ethos of the school.

ID, headteacher of Pomadze, considers his children are learning now:

ID: "because the teachers don't want them to relax, thus the academic standard is improving".

'Academic' is defined clearly as 'knowing something' and being able to respond well to a teacher's questions. Children who 'cope up' in class are seen as 'brilliant', the ones who don't as 'weak' and 'unacademic'. Predictably a number of the girl drop-outs fitted into the latter category. AH, a drop-out from Laribanga:

"Suppose you had someone to pay your school fees would you continue schooling?

No.

Why will you not go to school despite getting a sponsor?

/ am not intelligent and that makes me feel shy.

Is that why you will not return?

I feel my friends will laugh at me for not knowing anything.

VN, another casualty from Gyahadze village gave an illuminating if sad view of life at the local school:

VN: "When I was in school, I tried to appear very beautiful in my uniform yet I was academically poor. No matter how hard I tried, I couldn't make it. My father is quite well-to-do and encouraged me and yet I couldn't cope with academic work. My father gave me everything as if I was in secondary school, which my life-style even suggested and yet I couldn't continue...in this village some girls have finished junior secondary school but cannot speak English. They refuse to speak it to enable those who know it to correct them. Some appear as if they have never stepped into a classroom".

For AA, a Tamale headteacher:

"If a child is brilliant she or he can cope, whatever be the situation".

Core cultural values in these schools are essentially the traditional ones: respect for knowledge, a belief that some are 'strong' and some are 'weak', and that learning is something that is serious and 'bookish'. With the predominate teaching methodology of the teacher training college being the lecture method it is understandable that there should be a synergy between traditional views towards epistemology and the way children should be taught.

There is also a connection between the widely-held view that learning is an academic activity and the quantity and quality of learning materials found in schools.

A striking difference between schools in Tamale and Laribanga in the North and those surveyed in Winneba and surrounding villages in the South is the amount and quality of resources found in Southern schools.

The elders of Laribanga believe the situation has deteriorated:

"I think our time was better than now. This is because we were not many in school and the Government supported us with materials. So even if your book got finished you could go to the office for a new one. But now if your father can't buy books for you, then you have to stay out of school." (A Focus Group, Elders, Laribanga)

Talking with teachers and parents gives a strong impression that the provision of resources is strictly the concern of government and the educational authorities. Joanna, a young teacher from Tamale recalled being bored during her first teaching position:

J: "I was bored because we had no teaching aids but the headteacher told us to ask the children to bring some of these aids themselves. It was after that, that work seemed better".

What this reveals is the strong power-distance factor that operates in schools such as the one in which Joanna teaches. As such it is those senior teachers who are expected to provide, be it resources or ideas. It is interesting for example that it isn't until the headteacher suggests a line of action that a way forward is found.

The strongly authoritarian nature of school management pervades the education system. ID, the headteacher from Pomadze, in a rare example of candour sums up the situation:

ID: "those of us who are teachers feel there are some lapses here and there but the authorities do not allow us to voice it out, so we have to keep quiet".

Such an institutional and systemic culture has implications for introducing change and encouraging initiative.

Lack of resources, for whatever reason, has an immediate knock-on effect on teaching:

"because of the lack of materials they only do the theory". (Elders of Laribanga)

Private enterprise and the trader, ever present in Ghana, has a solution to the problem. HB, the Esseukyr headteacher considers that there has not only been change for the worse in the quality of textbooks provided but also in the way they are being procured:

"The type of textbooks we were using in those days I feel they were quite good. This time you see people selling books at stations and in lorries; they are the old books. They have taken extracts and are selling them. "First Aid in English" and a lot of these pamphlets people are selling but when we study them carefully they are all extracts from old books..."

For some the situation has improved. DV, a teacher from Laribanga believes:

"the present system is better. This is because in the past we used to learn irrelevant materials by heart. The syllabus of today is relevant to the children".

AA, headteacher of Winneba's Catholic girls school also considers things are improved - her school possessing:

"...good buildings, we've got furniture, good personnel, almost all of them being trained teachers. They therefore realise that the school is well equipped and well staffed".

She also considers single-sex education more beneficial, the atmosphere being calmer than that in a mixed school, allowing girls to mature until they enter the mixed junior secondary school.

The question of language used as the medium of instruction is an interesting one. A number of teachers made specific reference to the importance of learning English, associating academic progress with mastery of the second language:

ID: "Every parent would like to hear his or her child speak English at an early age. That is their understanding. They associate English with schooling".

V A-L, of Gyahadze School uses English as a motivator in her classroom:

V A-L: " I tell them why they are in school and why I am there - I was posted there to help them grow up and become like me so that when they are in school they should learn. I didn't get that type of treatment so I wanted to help them to know how to speak English and that I didn't know it before, we are all learning it so they should speak it whenever they can. They were happy so if ever I caned them they began to laugh because they know they are learning something ".

It was also said to us a number of times that one of the reasons why schools in the north performed better than those in the south was because of the policy in places like Tamale for using English from class one as the medium of instruction.

A view exists too that this 'straight for English' approach is short-sighted, evidence being given of higher standards having pertained in the past. The Ghanaian Times addressed the issue in May of this year (1996):

"If English remains the national/official language, then it must be proficiently written and spoken i.e. the English language syllabus should insist on a progressive development of 'educated English'.

That is right. But the "Times" does not accept what sounds like teachers' calling for making English the medium of instruction even in the first three years of primary school. The better quality of English in the older days was not attained through this, because English was not the medium of instruction in primary one to three.

.. .In the older days, primary pupils were taught their dialects, but English was seriously taught and learnt as a subject even at that level. That is what must be re-examined now".

What is interesting is the fact that in spite of massive investment in identifying the ills of the nation's education system hardly any attention has been paid to the language policy particularly during the first three years of primary education.

A particular feature of school culture is the grappling with hasty implemented innovation. For Ghanaian schools this is no better illustrated than in efforts to introduce continuous assessment throughout the nine-year Basic Education Cycle. The problem of maintaining a fair and effective examination system irrespective of the means of assessment mean that this type of innovation has had little chance of success.

CA, a drop-out from Tamale who now works as a hairdresser, discontinued her schooling because of the inefficiencies of the assessment system:

I first wanted to go the secondary school but my father advised me rather to finish form four (the final year of the then 10 year of Basic Education) and get into Teacher Training College but I dropped that idea.

Why didn't you go to the college?

We were the last batch of the old system of form four and somehow our final year exam results were never released.

Did you find out why?

Yes, I was told they were cancelled.

What did you think of doing then?

I thought of being a teacher as my father advised but because I had no certificates for my Basic Education, I had no admission into college so I decided to do hairdressing.

AA, headteacher of Catholic Girls Primary School, Winneba describes continuous assessment thus:

AA: "Yes, we have exams every three weeks for our continued assessment and another at the end of the term ".

There is little evidence that anything other than the above operates in primary schools; teachers being in the most part unaware of how a properly instituted continuous assessment system should work, particularly the philosophy of learning lying behind it.

Teaching - learning strategies, the curriculum, continuous assessment are all subject to massive review in Ghana at present. Daily various ministerial bodies sit in meetings and at workshops facilitated by external aid advisers and well-intentioned non-governmental organisations. Most of these meetings occur in the capital and are attended by middle-ranking Ministry of Education officials and occasionally by teachers selected from various districts. ID, headteacher of Pomadze school was asked if the curriculum of the school could be changed to suit the needs of the child more:

ID: "Yes, it's paper work, so in a way it could be changed".

Real change i.e. in the way teachers teach, assess pupils, or arrange their classroom will need to take account of a traditional classroom culture which in some ways protects itself from the avalanche of reform and innovation by mostly not knowing about or ignoring advice from the capital.

To gain an idea of life for the average Ghanaian child we spent several days as a 'fly on the wall' at one Winneba primary school.

Below are extracts from a day spent with one class, 6B of Don Bosco Catholic Girls School, Winneba regarded by many as a 'good' school.

Class 6B - D. B. Catholic Girls, Winneba

6^th June 1996

8.45 am	Cultural Studies Teacher absent, 49 girls sit in classroom with no work to do. Light filters through holes in breeze block walls. No pictures on wall.
9.15	Fante Teacher arrives and writes passage about health in English on blackboard. Children to translate.
9.28	Chorus clapping for correct answer.
9.33	Books distributed. Children now copy "correct" translation into books. Teacher tells us she is "guiding" pupils by writing "correct" translation for them to copy.
9.37	Teacher goes outside.
9.40	Tells us "some officers are coming to inspect my work". Goes out. No instructions left for class. Children begin murmuring.
9.44	Girls continue copying off blackboard and when task finished book placed on teacher's desk.
9.45	A monitor starts distributing another set of exercise books.
9.50	Teacher returns and with back to class starts marking pile of exercise books on her desk.
9.54	Teacher leaves room again. Children continue to chat. One or two rest their heads on their arms.
9.55	Teacher returns and continues to mark books. Teacher appears to be copying out ideas from a textbook into her exercise book (for inspectors' visit?) Nothing happening now. More children put heads on desk.
10.00	One or two girls restless now. Teacher continues writing. Begins raining. Children become animated.
10.07	Monitor erases earlier passage off blackboard.
10.15	Break. Girls walk slowly outside.

When asked what the children were expected to do whilst she was writing at her desk the teacher told us they were to discuss the topic 'my best friend' for the following week. Out of earshot, when asked, a pupil told us she had only asked them to sit quietly and wait for break.

Later in the morning we watched the girls enjoy a physical education lesson conducted by a student teacher (who told us she wasn't encouraged by college tutors to try and teach new things) and then an English lesson which involved question and answer drills on 'a telephone conversation' taken from the set text. During this lesson the pattern was similar to that seen elsewhere i.e.:

1. teachers introduce content

2. children individually answer questions posed by the teacher

3. chorus clapping as a form of praise

4. teacher writes exercise on blackboard

5. children write the answers into rough books and then copy a corrected answer into a neat workbook.

6. teacher walks quietly around the class or sits marking the steadily growing pile of rough books.

The characteristics of the lessons are:- teacher-centred, content driven, assessment by means of answering correctly and copying out neat answers, whole-class instruction with no pair or group work. At no time were efforts made to relate one subject with another or to relate the work with the child's own world (the paucity of telephones in Winneba is itself an issue of relevance).

Later in the afternoon, visiting the boys school, we watched a teacher introduce some drama into a social studies lesson about a local deer festival. Much to our surprise the children were organised into two teams representing the town war companies and rushed out of the classroom, arriving later with a somewhat startled goat tied hand and foot and representing the festival deer ready for sacrifice! Excited and animated the children obviously enjoyed the drama with the teacher suggesting they draw a picture, at home, of the capture of the goat/deer.

Teaching though for many is a profession where:

RD: "You have to talk a lot". (Pomadze school)

Many of the teachers when interviewed suggested class sizes were much larger than those indicated in official statistics.

Learner difficulties in reading and writing appear to be a major school-based reason for girls dropping out of school. The following interchange between interviewer and a group of Winneba P6 girls is interesting for its analysis of the problem and reasonable solution offered:

"Some can't read in class so they are afraid they will be asked to read so they play truant and go to the beach to beg for fish to sell.

Some stay away from school because they are very poor academically.

What do you think this school can do to encourage girls to stay in school?

We want our madam (class teacher) to put those who can't read together and given them special lessons in reading, this will help them and then they will be interested in coming to school". (Focus group, P6 girls Winneba)

Interestingly it was only from the focus group interviews with the girls themselves that we heard of solutions relating to teaching methodology or classroom organisation.

Teachers and headteachers were much more likely to mention lack of resource or insufficient training as a problem in raising quality.

The issue of classroom discourse illustrated in the classrooms observed was referred to by a number of children who had dropped out of school. For, SF responding to a teacher required courage:

SF: "In school, I realised that when a question was being asked in class and I knew the answer, I wouldn't raise my hand to give the answer at all. With some of our teachers if you didn't answer rightly you received a punishment. I was very shy to give the answer - even when I knew it I felt it was wrong ".

Finally, in terms of the curriculum, many interviewed bemoaned the lack of resources now which rendered practical subjects such as home economics shadows of what was once taught quite well in the past. Sewing, craftwork and cooking, it would appear were once carried out practically in most schools. Now it appears a lack of resources has meant it is only taught theoretically.

School- community relations seem characterised by misunderstanding, mistrust, and at times hostility.

A common situation often involves a teacher disciplining a child and the parents misunderstanding what has happened. A P6 girl from a Winneba school describes one such incident:

"There is another girl called GA - we had in class 5. She was insolent and the teacher warned her so she went home and lied to the mother and the mother came to the school to abuse the teacher and the girl didn't come to school again. She sells gari now". (Focus Group P6 AME Zion, Winneba).

At Gyahadze school, another P6 girl, reported similarly:

"Sometimes the teachers go to report a theft to the mother who may become angry, lose her temper and rain insults on the teacher. In such an instance the teacher will tell the mother that they will not teach her daughter again and she drops out". (Focus Group P6 girls, Gyahadze Primary School)

Even potentially positive actions by teachers can cause problems. JB, headteacher of Gyahadze primary school:

"I bought a football to the school to be allowed to play even after 4.30 pm. But just yesterday a parent came to complain that her child has now stopped going to help her at the farm ".

A major problem with most schools is that the academic culture has meant that few children acquire useful skills necessary for finding employment at the end of the nine years of compulsory education or earlier should they withdraw.

SA, a Tamale parent, suggested:

SA: "The government employs our children when they leave school or helps those dropping out to learn a craft or trade, so that they can at least be self-sufficient".

RA, a Winneba teacher, warned girls thinking of continuing their education up to the sixth form level. Par better, she thought, for young women to learn a trade or gain specific qualifications for entry into a profession such as nursing or teaching. When asked teachers, parents and children considered dressmaking, hairdressing and cooking useful for girls; carpentry and farming being viewed as useful for boys.

The issue of corporal punishment is one that probably marks out most Ghanaian schools from their Western counterparts. The reasons for employing the cane would also be surprising for a teacher trained in the West:

JB: "teachers cane when she doesn't submit her homework or is unable to read ".(Headteacher, Gyahadze)

C: "I had a problem with Ghanaian language and for that reason I was caned ", (Teacher from Choggu village, Tamale)

So why did you drop out of school?

AD: "The teachers were caning us too much", (drop-out, Laribanga)

What do you remember about your primary school days?

We were taught songs and caned a lot.

Was that a good thing?

FT: Yes, because it was better to cane and teach well than to leave us to our fate ". (drop-out, Laribanga)

RA, an experienced Winneba teacher, has cause to regret one incidence of punishment she carried out in her first year of teaching:

RA: "After giving the girl three lashes, the girl pretended she was dying so you know the other pupils started formulating stories that the girl was dead. I tried but the girl refused to open her eyes meaning she was in a 'secret coma' just to frighten me. So when I advised that she should be sent home to an uncle who is teaching at the Winneba Secondary School, luckily the uncle shouted on her and the girl out of fear rose up. So after that incident things haven't been easy and it is something I will never forget".

This incident reveals something too about the relationship between adult and child in the classroom and the fact that many teachers find it difficult, if not impossible, to distance themselves from their professional role. An 'insult' to the teacher is therefore an affront to the individual person rather than something to be understood professionally.

Paradoxically a number of parents and teachers expressed the view that indiscipline is a problem now in many schools because, unlike in the past, parents are more educated and believe that their children shouldn't undergo the hardships they suffered at school.

When it came to strategies to improve the quality of schooling many of those spoken to provided sensible and realistic solutions. Ways forward tended to concern two broad issues: first contributions the community can continue to make towards the schools -provision of furniture, lunch-time snacks for the children, housing for teachers; and secondly arrangements made within the school to enhance the teaching-learning process. The girls themselves, as mentioned earlier, were quick to suggest inexpensive improvements in teaching methodology, provision of resources etc.,

"We wish there will be a library here for us so that when we are free, we can occupy ourselves with reading". (Focus group, P5 girls, Winneba)

Another group of girls suggested:

"Such girls [those who can't read and write] should be put together and one teacher put in charge of them". (Focus group P6 girls, Winneba)

A more conventional solution concerns the move from class teaching to subject-based instruction. At the moment it is educational policy that one teacher be assigned to each primary school class to teach all the subjects. A group of class six girls from Pomadze School pointed out the major disadvantage of this approach:

"We just sit and have no one to teach us. Sometimes the teacher tells us she might not come to school so when it happens like this the children go to the Junction to sell instead of coming to school to do nothing. We prefer the type of teaching at JSS i.e. to have to have a teacher assigned to a subject". (Focus group P6 girls, Pomadze)

On visiting the cluster of research schools in Winneba we noticed that this was becoming policy for classes four, five and six, one positive result being that pupils were at least taught for some of the day by one or more teachers.

There was some interest expressed too in returning to a situation where there were some single-sex schools. TY, a teacher from Tamale thought such a move would reduce competition with boys and lessen the joking directed to girls by boys. Certainly the only single-sex school used in the research had a convivial and calm atmosphere.

Reviewing the suggestions for improvements made by teachers and parents there is a strong, we would suggest, cultural view that the provision of more resources, training, salaries etc. will raise standards. JB, a headteacher from Gyahadze goes further suggesting:

JB: "They should make the school attractive by giving token presents and materials, especially village schools, where inexpensive gifts will encourage the girls".

Central to Ghanaian and we would suggest many developing country cultures, is the idea of gift bringing. It is expected that strangers bring presents when visiting a village and that a family give food and drink as a sign of hospitality. The provision of social services is often viewed likewise, "they" being thanked by the recipients for amenities such as electricity, medical clinics, and learning resources for schools. It is not uncommon too, for politicians to be seen "giving" such things to a gathering of elders in remote villages.

The high level of Aid in a country like Ghana has also meant that such a culture of gift-giving easily reinforces a particular donor-recipient relationship. One result is that schools are less inclined to innovate with what they have, seeking solutions instead of from those in a position to give.

6.6.2. Experiences of being a teacher

Thirty nine headteachers and teachers were asked to provide life histories as part of this study. A number of consistent themes emerged: their own teachers had provided role models for them when deciding on a career; teacher training college had been an enjoyable experience though a strict one with much emphasis on discipline; teaching was still, generally, an enjoyable career but much more difficult now and as such teachers received less respect from children and the community; and that for many teachers working in the classroom was merely a stepping stone to further academic study or employment in the educational administration.

To gain some idea of how teachers view their work we asked them about the advantages and disadvantages of the job. Below is a table summarising a selection of responses.

Advantages and disadvantages of teaching as a career: teacher responses

Advantages	Disadvantages
salary is good	behaviour of parents
short hours	lazy children
increase one's own knowledge	distance to work
good preparation for raising a family continuous assessment	work load e.g. marking,
develops social/communicative skills	low respect
stepping stone	few resources
feeling of doing good

MA, who now teaches at the Specialist Teacher's College (STC) primary school in Winneba voices the views of many interviewed when describing her early life as a young teacher:

MA: "When I started teaching at first life was so easy because then the cost of living wasn't so high [late 1970]. When you were posted to a village you were given many gifts by the parents and they regarded you as a teacher. They were looking up to you for everything, especially when you got yourself involved in their everyday life, like church activities. They also showed you respect and helped you in many ways. But nobody cares about anybody. You only to teach and come home with nothing. At times some parents, who call themselves educated, misbehave towards teachers who try to correct their children who are notoriously causing trouble in the classroom, and so I am losing interest completely in the job, unlike the early years when I was so eager to teach until I die. This time things have changed".

As teachers are called upon to become professional in their work it is possible that one can lose sight of the important social role teachers play in a country like Ghana. Enhancing the standing of teachers in society may be as worthwhile an aim as improving their ability to teach mathematics or develop assessment procedures. Again it is a matter of giving more attention to cultural issues.

Earlier we referred to the importance of hierarchy and learning from ones elders and betters. Expansion of the education system has led to a situation where today's children can more easily 'overtake' their teachers.

EO: "... the situation has gone bad because children feel that after the JSS they get into the SSS and straight into the university while the teacher remains a "common teacher" and this complacency makes them not learn. They end up bragging. Pupils of the old system respected the teachers and learned hard because they know they had to go through all the stages the teacher had gone through..." (Tamale teacher)

One major "improvement" has been a lessening in the number of unqualified pupil teachers working in remote primary schools (though the phasing out of these teachers has often left no one to replace them) with most schools now having trained and experienced staff (see the appendices for the life history of one pupil teacher).

When asked about what makes a good teacher, ZA, a headteacher of Choggu Primary School in Tamale, had no hesitation:

ZA: "Punctual, always with the children, doesn't waste instructional time... is dedicated".

During the research we came across many examples of such teachers who showed resilience and resourcefulness in not only becoming a teacher (often against prevailing social norms) but in managing to make something of the job.

VC, a newly qualified teacher, at Esseukyr Primary School, outside Winneba talked at length about her struggle to enter the profession. Many other women teachers referred to similar obstacles and showed equal courage and determination. Below is a fascinating extract from VC's life history:

VC: "My mother said, so far you have brought forth [she had a baby son] and so you must go on bringing forth. You shouldn't go to any training college. I said, Ma, one day you will die and father will die, so who will care for me? She said your father will, so don't worry. When she said this, three months after my father returned from abroad, I told him I wanted to go with him to the Belgian Congo. My mother said. No! Your father is wicked! When you go he will let you marry there. You won't come to see me any more. So don't go. So when my father had my passport and everything the day before that time, my mother asked me to dodge. So I went out and when I came back my father had left. So I told my mother I was going to training college. She said no, but I didn't mind her.

I told my husband I wanted to go to training college so he said Okay you can go. So the two of us planned. I bought my things, packed my things and my mother didn't know anything about it. I was having my own room, so I arranged with the driver he shouldn't' blow the horn. It was dawn so when he came, I put all my things in the car, made my door ajar and put money under the pillow of my son. I then went with the driver. I wrote on paper that my mother should not ask of me. She should take care of the child. When he dies she can bury him. If he doesn't die I would come and take him. So I went. By that time we were given allowance, so I kept all my allowances. I had 73 pounds and so during the holidays, I came home and gave the money to my mother and she said No! You went and moved about with men and they've given you this money and you want to clean yourself. I said not, I am at the training college ".

Life at the training college was for many student teachers hard but enjoyable. RA, now teaching at Tamale, remembers carrying water for 2½ miles each day and a colleague, EO remembers life at the college being a little like a prison, "but some of us managed to be self-disciplined". Female tutors at the colleges provided young women students with role models, AD of STC primary, recalling one, a Miss A who:

AD: "encouraged women to keep abreast with the men rather than wasting our time plaiting our hair".

MA, went to a Roman Catholic College:

MA: "The sisters were so strict. Once it was visiting time and my mother came with a bag full of food but because she was late and visiting time was over, the sister did not allow me to collect the food from my mother (who was standing by the gate) and so all I could do was watch my mother with the food. I went back to the dormitory and wept".

Upon graduation many young teachers found life as a teacher difficult, particularly if posted to a rural area. RD, now teaching at Pomadze Primary School, was posted to the rural village and went there as a single mother:

RD: "I was taking care of the child myself so it got to a time when I grew very lean because I was doing a lot of work without resting.

And how old was he when you took him in the classroom?

He was about 5 months old.

How did you manage with your child in the classroom?

I used to send a mat to school so when he wanted to sleep he could".

The natural shyness of many Ghanaians, particularly the men, had to be overcome. DA, now a headteacher of a Winneba school, and still quietly spoken feels he has overcome his reticence:

DA: "Wherever I am I can now fit in because when I am asked to do anything I don't' feel shy - I try to be vocal and do what I can. Formerly, I could not even open my mouth to talk but teaching children has made me what I am. Now I am free with everybody - I can talk and discuss things because of my profession ".

Many teachers found ways to cope, often in situations of severe stringency. AD, of Winneba began her career as both classteacher of two classes and headmistress of a small, rural primary school:

AD: "So what I normally did was that on Mondays, I combined the two classes and taught them English and Math. Then on Wednesdays, I separated them and gave them individual work to do whilst I went round to supervise. After that I collected and marked".

The women teachers interviewed have all taught in a number of schools, some spending as little as a year in one school. Whether because of a husband's career move or because of the Ministry of Education trying to solve a problem of teacher shortage in particular areas, teachers appear highly mobile as a professional group. A M-T, of the Catholic Girls school, in Winneba lists six primary schools where she has worked with AP, headteacher of AME Zion school in the same town, believing it is the desire of teachers to be upgraded as a major reason for high levels of teacher turnover. The Ghana Education Service offers teachers opportunities to further their own careers whilst remaining on the payroll (given the likely difficulties funding future reform programmes this allowance may be removed). A significant number of women teachers expressed a desire to move on and up and out of teaching.

A trio of women teachers from Pomadze primary school were busy taking or re-taking G.C.E. 'O' levels in the evenings. AP, the headteacher of AME Zion school, Winneba views the situation slightly differently:

AP: "The job [teaching] is such that you are highly respected even if in these days respect is a bit lower than before. It makes you happy to learn that most of the big men in the Government and other big jobs were teachers before they went there and for the mere fact that they used teaching as a stepping stone makes the work important".

6.6.3 Experiences of being a schoolchild

A consistent feature of the child's view of schooling is the positive value accorded an education. In spite of all the difficulties encountered by children in getting to and remaining at school, most continue to believe it to be worthwhile. At a focus group discussion amongst girls of the JSS serving Laribanga village one said:

"I will not want anybody to cheat me and I will like to be able to read and write my own letters. If I am lucky I will get work to do". (Focus group, JSS girls, Laribanga)

Being able to read and write for illiterate family members, 'taking delight' in reading a book for someone else, being able to read so that, "no one can bluff me" are a few of the reasons put forward by girls for continuing with school. Three class six girls from the STC school in Winneba gave these reasons for wanting to complete their education:

1^st girl: I want to finish school so that if I am asked to read in future I can read well.

2^nd girl: I want to finish my education because if I don't' finish it, one day they will come and ask me something in English and I cannot answer them.

3^rd girl: I want to finish school that if one day my friend sees me, she will not see me carrying fish or doing an odd job. (Focus group P6 girls STC primary school, Winneba)

Probably the most imaginative reason for learning to read was given by a Gyahadze parent, EA:

EA: "... if you are illiterate a notice of your arrest may be served but because you can't read you can't run away and your arrest will be effected".

Schooling is also perceived as a worthwhile social investment. EA again:

EA: "It takes less time as an educated girl to make progress. It is easy for a well educated woman to get employment and she is likely to get a well-educated man to marry as marriage is the ultimate aim of every woman".

If schooling is valued for many the experience is one of difficulty, trial and error. A number of women teachers described nights as a child doing homework:

LA: "If you are on your homework and you parents are not educated you can't get any help". (Teacher, ACM Primary school, Winneba)

"Coping up" with the demands of an overly academic curriculum is for many children a major hurdle. A number of the drop-outs felt like MD of Gyahadze, that schools had failed them:

MD: "It wasn't my fault that I dropped out. The fact is I couldn't cope up with school work and I felt that it was simply a waste of money to remain in school. I believe stopping to learn how to sew is better than remaining in school".

VN, another drop out from the same village expressed a similar sentiment:

"The fact is that I was not doing well and I felt I was wasting my father's money. I was promoted to JSS 3 but I did not get there before dropping out. Indeed I couldn't grasp whatever I was taught in school. I knew that my father had a sewing machine at home so I told him to let me stop and learn how to sew. ..even though I was regular at school, I couldn't cope with the academic work. I did my best but I couldn't make it".

For MN, a drop out from the STC primary school, Winneba it wasn't the academic curriculum or punishment that created difficulties:

MN: "I had a blurred vision. I told my mother who told me I was lying and she insulted me so I stopped".

Talking with girls who have dropped out of school we can see that for many it isn't a sudden event. Both MN and VN had revealed problems with their school work, something that should have been picked up by teachers, particularly given the introduction of continuous assessment and cumulative record keeping. A difficulty for teachers seems to be the perceived purpose of these activities. Rather than being seen as indicators of a child's strengths and weaknesses they are viewed as administrative chores to be completed when time allows.

If MN and VN were children 'at risk', the child who repeats a year of schooling also presents warning indications of possible drop out.

AA who dropped out of Pomadze school should have been assisted much earlier in her school career:

AA: "I stopped in class one and came back to class three and continued to class four. I then left to my Daddy's place. I then came back to repeat class four and continued to class five. It was in class five, I dropped out".

A repeater child, is also viewed negatively by teachers:

HB: "I suspect he is coming and going again. So you don't take them serious. But I don't blame the children rather it's the parents who seem not to know the value of education". (Headteacher, Esseukyr Primary School)

For this teacher education is more product than process, the weak child being a family rather than school "problem".

Interestingly when enquiring about drop out girls fellow pupils indicated they knew much more about why their peers left school than their teachers. For many girls life outside school is hard. AD, a teacher at STC Primary School, Winneba, knew of one child, aged fourteen who had fallen by the wayside in form two of JSS:

AD: "I normally meet her at the beach carrying her baby and looking for fish to sell. She is worse off. She was in dirty cloth".

Selling iced water, oranges or 'kenkey' seemed the lot of most Winneba school children no longer in school.

Though pregnancy was raised as an issue by a number of teachers and elder members of the community there appears less evidence that it is a major cause of female drop-out. We encountered only one incident of sexual harassment.

A parent of G who had left school a year previously gave this account of the circumstances leading to her daughter's dropping out. The account also says something about who is seen to be at fault, the boy or girl, when an assault occurs:

Auntie A: "She was OK and going on well at school but unfortunately was having a series of problems. The headteacher called me several times complaining about petty issues. He once said that G used to come to school very early to open the doors and windows but no longer did that."

However, an incident occurred one evening when she decided to go and buy kenkey to eat. On the way a boy (whose mother is a nurse) grabbed her and she screamed until he threw her in the bush. She even lost a slipper, but I didn't know of this. I normally get into my room [arrive home] by 8.00 pm. G also didn't tell me until a co-tenant asked whether I didn't hear what had happened the previous night.

Excessive child labour was also cited by a number of teachers as a cause of poor school performance:

HE: "Sometimes you find one out often girls always sleeping in class so when you ask why you find the child is tasked at home ". (Headteacher Catholic Girls Primary School, Winneba)

Parents often request children to help them trade on market days. CM, a Pomadze teacher, noted that on Mondays and Thursdays many of her girls in her P3 class were absent because of market day:

CM: ".. .you will see even the little ones selling ".

The problem of teachers using children for labour during school time was mentioned to us by a parent, EA from Gyahadze:

EA: "Some teachers, however, take undue advantage of permission to use the children's labour in working for people for a fee and they neglect their classroom work".

Conversing with children in focus groups also gave rise to a feature of school life that mirrors cultural attitudes outside the classroom.

Excelling or doing well at a particular thing is viewed suspiciously by some, particularly peers of whoever has merited attention. A M-T an older teacher at the Catholic School in Winneba and a successful and well-liked teacher recalled that at her convent school:

A M-T: "The sisters liked me because I was very clever in school. Even the girls were jealous of me and said I was a witch because of the way I studied".

A Ghanaian colleague told us that this is sometimes called the "PhD factor" - "pull him down", manifested at teachers' college and university by the ritual of 'ponding' in which successful students are ceremoniously dunked into a nearby pond. This attitude may well reflect the essential communal nature of society; individual betterment being viewed with suspicion.

One surprising finding from the research is the prevalence of "skuul mama" - the overage girl who because of late entry or repeating finds herself studying alongside much younger classmates. It was a focus group of girls who initially drew our attention to this phenomenon:

"Some girls also grow faster than their mates. For instance, in class six we have a girl who is far older than the others and when you see her the others choose make fun of her and call her 'skuul mama' which goes a long way to discourage girls", (Focus group of P6 STC Winneba girls)

At Gyahadze Primary School the focus group of class six girls (who should have been eleven or twelve years of age) told us:

"My name is EA, I am aged fifteen..."
"I am GM, aged 15..."
"My name is MA, age 13... "
"I am SE, I am 12 years of age ". (Focus group P6 girls, Gyahadze)

These "too old for the class" girls are often weak academically, mature for their age, and prone to teasing from their peers. GO, whose aunt earlier told of her sexual harassment, remembers entering class four aged sixteen and though she enjoyed school found relations between her aunt and the school authorities deteriorating:

GO: "My mother was called several times for minor issues and it became unbearable to me so I decided and told my mother and aunt I will stop schooling ".

VC, a teacher at Esseukyr Primary School recalls that when she was in class six she was the only girl of the correct class age:

VC: "In fact I was young when I got to class six. Even I wasn't having breast. I was so sorry that I wasn't having breast so they asked me to touch mine with theirs so that I got breast. So I was doing that every morning but nothing was happening until I was at the age of seventeen".

Talking with teachers about how best to educate and counsel such girls it became apparent that even in a country renowned for its special needs training for teachers, little has been done to remedy this situation.

When the girls in school were asked about their future career a number mentioned becoming an air hostess, a nurse or teacher.

Very few of the girls aspired to a university education or a profession considered the preserve of men.

AA, a Gyahadze village parent, considered that:

AA: "girls can become nurses or teachers among others [jobs] which are suitable for females".

Of the girls themselves one or two mentioned that doctors, nurses and women teachers provided them with positive role models, though three JSS girls from Tamale thought that:

"the men teachers are better than the women. The women are lazy". (Focus group, Tamale)

The increasing problem of graduate unemployment has also meant that taking the more academic route into the sixth form instead of post-secondary entry to teachers' college or nursing school is a more risky option for many girls and their parents.

The life histories of the women teachers are an indication too that for many women the struggle has been to persuade parents and community members of the benefits of remaining longer in school. Once persuaded, and in many cases encouraged by the family, the young woman is under quite a lot of pressure to leave with some prospect of employment.

Talking with women who have managed to pursue a teaching career and simultaneously maintain a family life we are struck time and time again by the courage, determination and good humour of women growing up in Ghana.

The younger generation of schoolgirls show all the resilience of their older sisters and are an optimistic aspect of life in this fast changing and precarious society.